Strange Death of Franklin Roosevelt - Emanuel Josephson

Blueprint of the New Deal
Hoffman Nickerson's 'The American Rich'

Monopoly of every necessity of life and of national existence, and absolute dictatorship are the basic doctrines of the Rockefeller Empire. For this purpose the Rockefeller "philanthropies" have fostered Marxism as the shortest cut to dictatorship in a Democracy. The world-wide chain of dictatorships which they seek would not be complete without an American dictatorship. In this idea of an American dictatorship, the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty fully concurs. It was quite natural that an alliance should be formed between them.

So complete is the contempt of America's rulers for the moronic level of intelligence of its people that they sponsored the open publication of their program in the form of Hoffman Nickerson's book The American Rich. It was published by Doubleday Doran & Company at the time that Theodore Roosevelt Jr. was its president. It was a blueprint of the New Deal subsequently adopted in the Roosevelt regime, published in 1930, three years before it was launched. Hoffman Nickerson was the prophet of the Empire and Dynasty whose counsel and blueprint were followed closely.

The schemers of the New Deal left nothing to chance but prepared to flim-flam the nation well in advance, in this matter, as well as in others. Thus the Agricultural Allotment Plan was drawn up in 1932 by a Hindu, Svirinas Wagel, Barney Baruch's Hentz & Company's economist, to appear to be a boon to the farmers,—whereas it was a made-to-order godsend for the speculators in commodities and designed to make their gambles "sure things".

The theme of "The American Rich" is a familiar one.

Democracy, the "Cult of Equality", is, always has been, and always will be a failure, it relates. It must be eliminated under the pretense of improving it. The objective to be sought and attained by finesse, is Medieval feudalism and serfdom—a masterful upper class dominating, the rest of the population reduced to slavery. And at the head there must be a king. That is the form of government the United States must have if it is to have a perfect government.

It is to the interest of the group that can be called perpetually rich, because they can always dip their hands into the pockets of the people through the Treasury, to see to it that the United States attains a perfect, feudal monarchic government. To accomplish this the rich must organize amongst themselves to fight a common cause and pick their agent, who will be made to appear to desert and betray his class. They must then undertake by sly undercover methods to "divide to rule". The people must be dealt with not as Americans, but as minorities set at each other's throats. Labor vs. Capital, Black vs. White, Catholic vs. Protestant, Christian vs. Jew, for example. Then the selected agent must be made to appear the champion of all causes, the indispensable composer of differences, while from behind the scenes he must never cease to foment.

This agent then can assume readily the role of popular leader and be elected President. Once in office, everything must be done to keep him there by repeated reelections. The government must be converted into a huge propaganda agency and perverter of popular thought. He must cater to the mob. But all the while he must discredit and break down the checks on monarchic power of the President incorporated in the Constitution—the Supreme Court and Congress. But in the process he must be made to appear to seek an improvement on democracy. The gullible, moronic public must never suspect that he seeks to wipe out democracy—"The absurd Cult of Equality".

Once elected, the President must be continually reelected. The opposing candidate must merely be a straw man selected by the same group, to be knocked down and defeated. The people must be deceived into believing that they are exercising the democratic right to vote, while they have been robbed of the right of choice, i.e. the right to vote, by restriction of nominations by the same group, to men subservient to them.

When the President will have been reelected often enough, he will have had an opportunity to appoint to the Supreme Court all the justices, who will do his bidding. The Supreme Court, packed thus or otherwise, will have ceased to be a check on the monarchic power of the President, as required by the Constitution. Instead it will have become a prostituted agency serving the President and the invisible powers behind him.

The problem of eliminating the power of Congress, of effecting "the twilight of legislature", Nickerson points out, is a bit more complicated but it must be done.

" . . . they (legislatures) must be abolished or their bases and functions changed" (p. 259).

"The first step toward complete monarchical (Presidential) initiative is the executive budget plan now prevailing in the Federal government and in thirty-four of the forty-eight states. Even the logical second step of limiting the constitutional powers of the legislative bodies has been taken in seven of the thirty-four, Maryland, West Virginia, New York, Massachusetts, California Nebraska and Wisconsin. THE RICH THEREFORE MIGHT DO WELL TO HELP FORWARD SUCH A DEVELOPMENT" (p. 261).

Nickerson goes on to suggest:

"The resistance of legislature to the pruning of their sovereignty could easily be broken down by the imperative mandate. Candidates for legislative office might be compelled to swear that if elected they would support measures curtailing parliamentary and increasing monarchical initiative. In this way the executive budget laws could be made more and more drastic."(p. 293).

In practice, Nickerson's suggestion was adopted effectively by abdication by New Deal legislatures. It was materially aided by the practices of Congress. Thus the gag rule limiting Congressmen's speeches on the floor of the House to one minute and barring publication of "extensions of remarks" in the Congressional Record unless unanimous consent is obtained, has served to muzzle the people's elected representatives.

Nickerson's blueprint was materially improved on by the New Deal practice of grafting on to it the Rockefeller-sponsored Communist program for attaining their goal by pseudo-philanthropy and by a mechanism that was so well expressed by their agent, Harry Hopkins: "Tax! Tax!! Tax!!! Spend! Spend!! Spend!!! Elect! Elect!! Elect!!!"

Under the New Deal the budgets presented by Roosevelt to Congress were so huge that no member of Congress dared add to them; so voluminous and complex that Congress did not have the time to consider them; and so fraught with self-interest for special groups and with "pork barrel" that few Congressmen cared to attack them for fear of losing their "cut". Congress abdicated its constitutional power of initiating budgetary legislation year after year, until, as the advocates of the plan expected, it has become the accepted practice that the budget bill shall be initiated by the President.

When that goal has been attained, Nickerson's blueprint then proceeds to the next step that reduces Congress to a mere advisory or consulting body, that is compatible with a feudal monarchy. He writes:

"When financial initiative had thus been fully secured to the monarch, the same principle might be extended to all legislation. The monarch is already charged with the duty of presenting at the opening of each legislative session a message as to legislative changes he thinks desirable. Constitutional amendments might enlarge this traditional function so as to make it his duty to draw up a formal 'budget' of legislation, and might compel the legislature to say Aye or Nay to each item of this program before embarking on any new proposals of its own. In normal cases public opinion could then be counted upon to compel the legislature to adjourn and leave the community in peace until the beginning of the next session. There would remain the right of the legislative body to discuss public affairs (ed. 'debating society') to criticize the elective monarch, and to veto such new departure of his as they might think unwise", (pp. 293-294).

This phase of the plan has been materially improved upon in New Deal practice even though it has not arrived at the point where they dare propose a Constitutional amendment to rob Congress of all right to legislate, and leave them merely the power of talk and veto. During Roosevelt's regime the conspirators used the "national emergency " device to prevent Congress from enacting any legislation introduced by individual Congressmen. The device was very simple and completely effective. Repeated situations were engineered by the conspirators that were declared "national emergencies". Manipulation of national finance and the money system enabled the engineering and continuance of the depression. Disrupting the commerce and industry of the nation with an N.R.A. or an O.P.A. served to disrupt production and stimulate inflation.

The very measures that were presented to fight inflation were designed to stimulate it for the purpose of creating a "national emergency". Robbing workers of the right to work implicit in the Constitution, and farming it out to their agents, so-called "labor-leaders", in return for a share of tribute levied by them for the privilege of working, provided not only a source of revenue but also a dictatorial control of the rank and file of the nation. It permitted creating "national emergencies" at will by blackmailing industry and by strikes. And when all else failed the conspirators deliberately precipitated a real but tragic national emergency, Pearl Harbor and World War II, to further their commercial and political schemes.

All of these deliberately engineered "national emergencies" were used as the means of dragooning Congress into accepting the dictates of the conspirators. They utilized the too familiar device of innumerable messages to Congress on the state of the nation. The Constitution calls on the President to send to Congress at the time it convenes a message on the state of the nation. It was in no wise intended as a dictatorial device to force the will of the Executive on Congress. It was intended to be, and had been, an informative device.

The New Deal with its tremendous propaganda machine that was built up in the executive branch of the government with public funds for perverting and manipulating public opinion, used these messages as a device to force Congress into submission, abdication, and renunciation of the role assigned it by the Constitution. The function of initiating any legislation was thus fraudulently usurped by the President, in complete violation of the Constitution. There is no need for the renunciatory amendment to the Constitution demanded by Nickerson's blueprint. For this flaunting of the Constitution has become accepted practice in the conspiracy to destroy democracy and establish an open American monarchy.

With regard to the form that will be given American monarchy, whether elective or hereditary, Nickerson advised caution:

"Changes like the executive budget deriving most of their force from moral sources rather than from statute law, may creep in gradually . . . But even to give the President a longer term or to disregard the very strong tradition handed down from Washington himself against a third term for any individual President would be a sharp and noticeable change not to be masked by any form of words. Hence, though most elective monarchies of the past have been for life, all such questions must be left to the future".

Nickerson obviously reckoned not on the effectiveness of the General Education Fund and the Rockefeller Foundation in their control of education, of the press, radio, films, the government propaganda machine and every other avenue of exchange of information, in perverting and warping the minds of a nation. He reckoned without the savoir faire of the Rockefeller-Standard Oil regime, and the experience of its ally, the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty. So thoroughly had their task been performed that a little over a decade after Nickerson wrote, the third and fourth Presidential terms and the numerous other violations of the letter and spirit of the Constitution, that he could not conceive as being accepted by the nation, were accomplished facts.

Nickerson points out a technique whereby the people could be painlessly robbed of their franchise, by which "all pretense of an election dependent on popular will would have vanished", (p. 295). It is a technique with which the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty have had extensive experience—the third party movement. The idea is to split the electoral vote so that no candidate gets a majority, thus throwing the election into the lap of Congress.

It is significant that the salary of Henry Wallace as editor of the New Republic was reported to be $75,000 a year. The New Republic has not made that many pennies profit in its entire existence. It has been subsidized by Anglophile Willard Straight of J.P. Morgan & Company and his son, Michael Straight. Undenied reports state that Henry Wallace's salary, travelling and campaign expenses are being paid by Michael Straight, Jock Whitney and Nelson Rockefeller.

After pointing out the great strength of the case for hereditary monarchy, Nickerson concludes:

"Come what may, monarchy in its elective form is firmly established as the chief American organ of government. It is the instrument through which, when the time is ripe, we may hope for a solution of our problems, for an honorable but separate status for the negro and Jew, permitting us to utilize their distinctive gifts while preserving us from too much racial contact with the first and from the alien soul of the second . . . " (p. 302).

He points, in support of the first idea, to the proposal of the Town Board of Sudbury, Massachusetts in 1927, that Coolidge be made President for life; and to the fact that the Presidency "within a few generations has been clothed with awe and reverence which shone on the kings of old". His judgment has been fully confirmed by the obeisance and veneration of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, engendered by adroit propaganda in a large section of the populace.

"Already" he writes, "we are not far from 'divine Caesar' . . . " Indeed, no. Sadly enough, we are far beyond it.

As for his concept on alien minorities, Nickerson's ideas have been closely followed by the conspirators. They are being "utilized" or used to attain a destruction of democracy and the establishment of the American monarchy. They are being put in the forefront, in the firing line to take all the blame and punishment. But in a properly regulated feudal monarchy, there is no room for any minority. Their elimination is planned when the goal of feudalism has been attained.

There is an amusing phase to Hoffman Nickerson's "omniscient" prattling. He holds the "Jews" in such abysmal contempt that he will not even capitalize their name; and he regards as one of the functions of his program, the elimination of the Jew's. But he supports much of his blueprint, and justifies other sections with the Federalist writings of "the great Alexander Hamilton" (p. 246) whom he acclaims as the outstanding American patriot and the greatest mind among the founders of our country.

If he is as wise, well-informed and omniscient as he poses, he would know that his hero Alexander Hamilton was born Levine, the son of a Danish Jewish West Indies planter John Michael Levine. Alexander was the son of a Jewish father and a mulatto mother. Alexander's mother Rachael was unfaithful and left his father to live with James Hamilton. When her husband divorced her, she was forbidden to remarry but continued to live with Hamilton and changed her son's name from Levine to Hamilton. ("Money Changers", Gertrude M. Coogan, Sound Money Press, 1935, p. 188).

Posthumously his descendants undertook to attribute fatherhood to James Hamilton. They preferred to stigmatize their ancestor as a bastard, to acknowledging his Jewish and Negro ancestry. The absurdity of the effort is attested to by the fact that they place Alexander in charge of one of the largest mercantile businesses of St. Croix at the age of twelve years. Precocity they call it! But they place the date of his birth two years before that of his mother's divorce in 1759, and within a few months after her marriage to Levine.