Rockefeller Internationalist - Emanuel Josephson

The Rockefeller-Soviet Axis

"We want to trade with Russia" — Ivy Lee

The Russian Communist Revolution posed a major threat to world oil monopoly and to the worldwide expansion of the rapidly growing Rockefeller Empire. By the precipitation of World War I and by undermining the power and prestige of the mighty British Empire, the Standard Oil Co. had acquired the concession to the fabulous oil domain of Saudi Arabia. But the whole of the Near East and control of Caucasus oil fields and of Saudi Arabia, lay within the grasp of the Communists.

The situation presented the horns of a dilemma. It did contain some elements of good from the viewpoint of the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests. For the Caucasian and Persian oil fields had been controlled by Rockefellers' mortal enemy in the international field, the British-Royal Dutch-Shell group. Since the turn of the century their bitter rivalry has meant incessant strife, bloodshed and war for the lands involved. The Russian Revolution of 1905-06 had been precipitated with the aid of financing by Rockefeller's banker, Kuhn Loeb & Co., with an eye to the oil of the Caucasus and adjacent lands; and its most intense activities had centered around the Baku oil-fields. They had engineered Mexican revolutions and the Mexican War to oust the Royal Dutch and other rivals from Mexico.

Through World War I, the Saudi Arabian oil-fields had been wrested from British control. Now Communist Russia offered the opportunity to oust the British-Royal Dutch-Shell also from the Caucasus, Persia, the rest of the Near East and India. But the moot question was: "Would not the Communists prove to be more dangerous and more difficult to deal with than even the British?" The pros and cons were many, but the possibilities of playing British against Communists were great.

The British, needless to say, likewise were intrigued by the possibilities of seizing control of the Caucasian oil-fields. They attempted to do this in 1918 by an expedition of officers, headed by General Dunsterville, that combined forces with a White Russian brigade led by General Bitcherakov. They occupied Baku when the Bolsheviks withdrew, but were in turn ousted by Turkish forces led by German officers. Following the Armistice in November, 1918, the British moved in and took over the oil-fields. The British were able to boast:

"In the Caucasus from Batum on the Black Sea to Baku on the Caspian and from Vladikavkaz southward to Tiflis, Asia Minor, Mesopotamia and Persia, British Forces have made their appearance . . . Never in the history of these islands was there such an opportunity for the peaceful penetration of British influence and British trade, for the creation of a second India . . ." (London Financial News, Dec. 24, 1918)

But they were oversanguine and reckoned without the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests in Caucasian oil. The British labor movement, which the Rockefellers had fostered, opposed further military occupation of the Caucasus, and forced withdrawal of the troops. Denikin took over, with British support, in August 1919. Two British vassal states, Georgia and Azerbaijhan, were set up and recognized by the Allied Supreme Council. The Rockefeller-dominated U.S. State Department, however, refused to recognize them and blocked the turning over of the Caucasian oil-fields to Royal Dutch and Shell. In February, 1920, the Bolsheviks entered Baku, and in the following year Georgia turned Bolshevik. It by no means chagrined the Rockefeller interests to see Royal Dutch thus shut out, even though it did mean control of the fields by the Russians.

To establish a semblance of legal title to the Caucasian fields, the Rockefeller Standard Oil group, in 1920, bought a half-interest in Nobel & Co.'s production in Baku. This amounted to approximately 40 percent of the yield of the field. The title was a mere mirage, unless the Bolsheviks could be forced to restore to the owners their properties that had been expropriated, or "nationalized", in 1918. Shortly thereafter, the Rockefeller interests also acquired from the Persian government a concession to the North Persian oil-fields for a period of fifty years, in conflict with the British interests and with Soviet treaty claims. A concession had been granted to Russian interests during the Czarist regime and had been sold by them on May 8, 1920, to the Anglo-Persian Co., the majority stockholder of which is the British government.

Both the Russian and the British governments objected strenuously to the North Persian concessions to the Rockefeller interests. Thereafter, the Rockefeller Empire's game has been to play the British-Royal Dutch interests against the Communists until they could dispose of first one and then, the other. Their's is a chess game, with mankind and the wealth of nations as pawns. The prize, that they cherish more highly than the blood and wealth of others, is OIL and world dominion.

The Rockefeller-dictated State Department policy in regard to Russia at Genoa was aimed at compelling the restoration to them of the "nationalized" oil-fields. Hughes made it the condition for recognition. They sought to put Russia into the position where she would be forced to make restitution, while at the same time blocking the granting of concessions to their competitors. It can be said in praise of that policy that it had the semblance of being in favor of the U.S., even though it did serve the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests more particularly, or exclusively. The Royal Dutch Oil Co. had already begun negotiations with Russia for a monopolistic oil concession, which Standard Oil Co. was able to block with the aid of its handmaiden, the U.S. State Department.

At the Hague Conference in June 1922, the same tactics were successfully repeated. In the following September, a blockade of Russian oil was organized under the auspices of the Standard Oil Co. and others through the Groupement International des Societes Naphthieres en Russie. Behind this sham front that was designed to hamstring competitors, the Royal Dutch and Shell interests purchased 70,000 tons of oil from Russia, and Dodge, an official of the Standard Oil Co., went to Moscow to seek concessions.

Two things happened that served to bring about a change of front among the oil companies. Russia began exporting oil—330,000 tons in 1922, 771,000 tons in 1923 and 1,360,000 in 1924—through its Naptha Syndicate. And she undersold the oil companies. The Russian Oil Products Co. was retailing benzine, kerosene and other products in Great Britain at one to three pennies below the market price. Far more disturbing than this threat to the price structure of the oil market, from the viewpoint of Rockefeller's Standard Oil companies, were the activities of Harry F. Sinclair. Sinclair was a close personal friend of President Harding, in whose campaign he and his associates had played a part. He numbered among his business associates many top political figures, including Will H. Hays, his attorney and Morgan-allied National Republican Committee chairman, as well as Archibald B. Roosevelt and Theodore Roosevelt Jr. The latter was a director of the Sinclair Refinery Co. At Theodore Jr.'s request, in 1919, Archibald had been made vice-president of the Sinclair Co. In the following year Theodore Jr. resigned his post to become Assistant Secretary of the Navy in the Harding Administration.

Rockefeller's Midwest Oil Co., a subsidiary of the Standard Oil Co. of Indiana, and the Sinclair and Doheny oil interests conspired to gain control of the Teapot Dome structure adjoining the fabulous Salt Creek oil field in Wyoming, that had been made a Naval Oil Reserve. This required an executive order, made on the approval of the Navy Department and recommended by the Secretary of the Interim*. Admiral Griffith, on behalf of the Navy personnel in charge, forwarded a recommendation that leases of Naval Reserve oil lands should be permitted only with the approval of the Navy Department. This was transmitted to Secretary of the Navy Denby through Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt Jr., former Sinclair Refining Co. director, who in turn took it to Secretary of the Interior Albert B. Fall. Fall, who, it was later revealed, had received a total of nearly half a million dollars for his "services", and Sinclair, acting for themselves and the other interests involved, "subtly modified the clause (requiring Navy Department approval) to give the Secretary of the Interior full authority to dispose of naval oil land. Secretary Denby and Assistant Secretary Theodore Roosevelt Jr. acquiesced in this unusual arrangement." (Lundberg, America's 60 Families)

Fall issued the lease to the conspirators. Rockefeller's Midwest Oil Co. relinquished its share to Sinclair and Doheny for the sum of one million dollars. The Mammoth Oil Co. was organized to take over the Teapot Dome lease. The Continental Trading Co. was incorporated in Canada by James O'Neil, president of Rockefeller's Prairie Oil & Gas Co., Col. Robert W. Stewart, president of Rockefeller's Standard Oil Co. of Indiana, and Harry F. Sinclair, as a secret dummy corporation to purchase more than thirty million barrels of oil from the Mexia field at $1.50 and to resell it to the organizers' companies at a profit of 25c a barrel, or a total profit of more than eight million dollars. These profits were used in part for the bribery of the public officials involved in the Teapot Dome case.

The complicity of Rockefeller's Standard Oil Co. in the Teapot Dome scandal is further revealed by the conversation between Harry Sinclair, James O'Neil and two other persons at the Bankers Club of New York in 1922. One of them asked:

"Suppose there was some future trouble to come up afterwards, who would take care of it?"

"The Sinclair Oil Co. is big enough to take care of that", answered Sinclair.

"If the Sinclair Oil Co. is not big enough to take care of it, Standard Oil is big enough to take care of it,"' O'Neill said.

The Rockefeller interests cunningly avoided, however, any direct involvement in turning over the bribes. They thus prepared the way for their subsequent maneuver that was to destroy Sinclair as a competitor.

John D. Rockefeller Jr. testified before the Senate Committee that investigated Teapot Dome, on behalf of Col. Robert W. Stewart, as a character witness, bestowing on him the effulgence of his "philanthropic" odor of sanctimony in order to impress the "peasants". Subsequently, when it was brought to light that Stewart had withheld from his company the profits of the Continental Trading deal. John D. Jr. professed indignation for the benefit of the gullible "peasantry", retired Col. Stewart on a meager pension of $75,000 a year and promoted two of his sons to highly paid Standard Oil executive positions, to show his "disapproval" of the Colonel's acts. One wonders what might have been the fabulous rewards if he had "approved" of Stewart's deeds.

With the Teapot Dome deal in the bag, Sinclair went after bigger game. Using his influence with the Harding Administration and recognition by the U.S., that he represented he could obtain, as a bait, he set out to gain the Near, Middle and Far Eastern concessions from Soviet Russia and Iran that the oil titans, Standard Oil and Royal Dutch, had sought in vain. In this quest, he had the advantages over them of having no prior claims and of starting with a clean slate.

After Secretary of the Interior Fall had resigned under fire, Sinclair gave him $35,000 to go to Russia to negotiate oil leases. In June 1923, a party consisting of Harry F. Sinclair, Albert Fall, Archibald B. Roosevelt, Mason Day, Robert Law Jr., Wm. Dewey Loucks, E. R. Tinker, Elisha Walker and Grattan T. Stanford, with some engineers, went to Moscow to seek a concession for all the Caucasian oil-fields that Rockefeller considered his property and over which he and Royal Dutch were battling fiercely. In November 1923, a provisional agreement for the exploitation of the Baku and Grosni oil-fields by a company in which Sinclair and the Russian government had equal shares, was signed in Moscow by Mason Day. Final ratification was to be effected in ninety days. (Fisher, Oil Imperialism)

On December 20, 1923, Sinclair got from the Persian government a provisional agreement on a concession for the North Persian oil-fields in the Russian sphere of influence, for which the Rockefeller Standard interests had received a concession in 1921, which had not been ratified. The circumstances under which Sinclair obtained this concession are concisely stated in a letter dated May 3, 1922, sent by Mr. A.C. Veatch, vice-president of the Sinclair Exploration Co., to the Federal Trade Commission, as follows:

"Gentlemen: In July of 1921, following up a suggestion of the Secretary of Commerce (Herbert H. Hoover), the Sinclair Company began its negotiations with the Persian authorities for an oil concession over the five northern provinces, which are stated by the Persian government to be free of any prior claims.

"These negotiations have been continued up to the present date, during which period the Sinclair Company has had active opposition from a combination of interests of the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey and the Anglo-Persian Company of London.

"To refer again to the competition the Sinclair Company has encountered in endeavoring to obtain the concession, we wish to state that early in 1921 an oil concession over the area referred to was signed between the Persian government and the Standard Oil Company, but in order to become legal this required the ratification of the Persian Parliament.

"While this ratification was pending, Sir John Cadman, a director of the Anglo-Persian Co. of London, came to the United States and while there, entered into an agreement with the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey to share on a 50-50 basis with the latter company, the Persian concession when obtained."

On August 16, 1923, Sinclair was given a monopolistic concession of the oil-fields of Northern Sakhalin Island by Soviet Russia. It was then occupied by the Japanese, who were exploiting the fields. The concession was implicitly conditioned on the recognition of Russia by the U.S. before 1927, which Sinclair and his colleagues had assured; and on the good offices of the U.S. State Department in inducing the Japanese to withdraw from Sakhalin Island. The State Department and its Secretary, Charles Evans Hughes, a Rockefeller attorney, never got around to bringing pressure to bear on the Japanese to withdraw from Sinclair's concession, despite the fact that Sinclair was the only American interest involved and that the State Department directives had ordered its agents to do their utmost to help American interests in their quests for oil abroad. Obviously, the directives meant "certain interests only"—the Rockefeller interests.

Shortly after the granting of these concessions to Sinclair, there began to occur a series of incidents that were of the utmost value and importance to the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests in their struggle for the concessions. First, was the death of President Warren G. Harding, suddenly and under strange and highly suspicious circumstances that were never exhaustively investigated. This meant that Sinclair had lost control of the government which enabled him to assure Russia of recognition in return for his concessions. President Calvin Coolidge, who succeeded Harding, favored the Rockefeller interests and was keenly alert to the significance of their oil and Empire.

Then, at a time most opportune for the Rockefeller interests in their rivalry with Sinclair, the Teapot Dome affair, which had never been a secret and had been common knowledge from the start, but had never been regarded as worthy of exposure by the Rockefeller-controlled press, suddenly and for reasons not difficult to surmise, began to stir its interest. The Denver Post attacked the Teapot Dome lease, but dropped the matter when its owners, Bonfils and Tammen, were paid $250,000 by Sinclair. (Lundberg, America's 60 Families, p.205)

Then the St. Louis Post-Dispatch began to publicize the case editorially. A Senate investigation was demanded by Senator Burton K. Wheeler, a Rockefeller warhorse, and by Senator Thomas J. Walsh. As a result of the investigation, Sinclair's friends, Attorney General Daugherty and Secretary of the Navy Denby were ousted. (Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt Jr. who had played a dominant role in the affair, was whisked off to a Philippine post, so as to preserve the halo that clung to the Roosevelt name in the minds of the "peasants".) Fall, Sinclair and Doheny were indicted. Fall was found guilty. Sinclair and Doheny won acquittals; but Sinclair went to jail for six months for contempt. The Rockefeller interests, that had been involved and had profited from the deal to the extent of a million dollars paid them by Sinclair, were never indicted, for reasons that can be surmised.

The Teapot Dome scandal robbed Sinclair of the influence which he needed to make good on his Russian deals that required early recognition of the Soviet Communist regime. It also impaired his credit, so that he was not in a position to raise the hundreds of millions that his deals required. Rumors got around that the Sinclair companies had fallen into the hands of the Rockefellers, which they did subsequently. The results were that all of Sinclair's Asiatic concessions were cancelled and the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests were rid of their most dangerous rival.

The Russian oil situation had become menacing to Rockefeller's plans for world monopoly. It became obvious that the Bolshevik regime was not going to collapse and that it would be impossible to force it, by boycott or other forms of pressure, to return expropriated property. It was also evident that there would not be the expected delay in resumption of Russian oil production. On the contrary, Russian exports of oil were rising to large proportions and constituted formidable competition, especially through price-cutting. In 1925 Russia was providing all of Italy's fuel oil and was rapidly cutting off Standard Oil from that market. The navies of Great Britain, France, Italy and Greece were being supplied with oil by Russia. By April 1925, Standard Oil itself, now allied with Royal Dutch and Shell, had purchased 290,000 tons of kerosene and gasoline from Russia and had become a regular customer. The Rockefeller Standard Oil interests had even proposed the purchase of the entire output of all the Russian fields for a period of three to five years.

The Rockefeller interests were most concerned about the control of Turkey, which was then rapidly being penetrated by the Russians. For, control of Turkey and its dependencies meant control of Saudi Arabia, the prize for which World War I had been engineered. The Rockefeller interests were frantic in their anxiety to get Turkey under their control and keep it there. They could secure that control and hold it only with the acquiescense and cooperation of Soviet Russia. The Rockefeller group then proposed to pool their interests in Turkey with the Soviet Naphtha Syndicate in a partnership monopoly, and to sell there only Russian oil. So anxious had they become to effect a deal, that they were now willing to accede to any terms; and they went out of the way to court the favor of the Communists.

In March 1926, Vacuum Oil Co. entered into an agreement with the Russian government monopoly, the Naphtha Syndicate, for the purchase of 800,000 tons of crude oil and 100,000 tons of kerosene, primarily in order to ingratiate itself with the Russians. This was the first direct, commercial postwar transaction between the Soviet Government and the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests. The terms of this agreement and of the subsequent agreements entered into by the Rockefeller interests and Soviet Russia have never been published. It was well known, however, that the monetary price paid by Standard Oil for the oil was most favorable and low. Price was no object to the Communists. World conquest on the basis of the plans laid down by Lenin was for them the prime consideration, and the oil deals were, for the Soviets, merely bait and the means to that end. Bearing in mind this fact and the subsequent course of events, however, it is not difficult to arrive at reliable conclusions concerning the terms that were demanded by the Soviets and accepted by the Rockefeller interests.

Recognition of Soviet Russia by the United States, implicit in the Sinclair deals, was obviously a fundamental term and the basis of negotiations. By crushing Sinclair and throwing him into jail, the Rockefellers had proved to Russia their complete and absolute control of the U.S. Government and their ability to make good their agreements involving recognition, so eagerly sought by the Bolsheviks.

Recognition implied an acceptance or tolerance of the Marxist ideology and of Communism in the U.S. But inevitably the cunning and scheming Communist bosses, from Stalin down, would and did seek with singular devotion to purpose, to further the forcing of Communist propaganda and rule, wherever and whenever they could. Surrender to their terms would mean to engage in intensively fostering Communist propaganda, the second condition.

Recognition, however, was sought only as the first step toward Communist world conquest. It was the open sesame to industrialization of Russia, the third condition imposed. For world conquest Russia must master the best and most modern technology. Where could that be found except in the U.S.?

A regular demand of the Soviets in any deal they make or alliance they enter into, is that they dominate and eventually take over. Recognition and propaganda are merely steps in the direction of infiltration and control of the government of the allying power. Surrender to Soviet terms means, as a consequence, to become a satellite through the device of a "Popular Front". A "Popular Front" in Communist language means a Communist government. The setting up of a Communist-controlled government in the United States is the ultimate Soviet purpose of any deal that the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests could have entered into on the basis of surrender to the Soviets in exchange for control of their oil.

Money for their purchases and propaganda was directly needed by the Bolsheviks. The opening of the American market to their exports of raw materials, in addition to oil, was implied in the desire for recognition.

The major part of the benefits and returns of any deal, to begin with, and eventually outright ownership, are the best terms that anyone can expect of the Communist leaders, or brigands. They regard every contract as a temporary expedient, as a "scrap of paper" that must be torn up as soon as they are in a position to do so. In any deal on Turkish and dominated Arabian oil-fields, for instance, the Soviets certainly demanded that all the oil produced must eventually be theirs.

Such demands by the Kremlin would be expected by the suppliant Rockefeller Standard Oil interests. For they are exactly the same terms which they themselves would have laid down had the roles been reversed. And their intent would be equally treacherous. They invariably plan to ravish anyone who yields to them. Such is the philosophy of the force majeur.

Finally, since both of the contracting interests aimed at world conquest and dominion, there was undoubtedly an initial agreement to divide the world between them, as a beginning. The initial division of the world required by Lenin's formula for world conquest, epitomized by him in his dictum—"Who rules Asia, rules the world",—would give Asia and the Eastern Hemisphere to the Soviets and leave to the Rockefellers the Western Hemisphere. It might also be expected that such a world partition would respect the demands of Pan-Slavism, Russia's traditional goal.

Bearing in mind the terms which the Kremlin, holding the upper hand, would be expected to demand a priori, it is interesting to see how fully such demands have been met by the Rockefeller Standard Oil agencies and their "philanthropies", industries, dependencies and the lands dominated by them, in short, by the Rockefeller Empire; to observe what loyal allies they have been in the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis; and to study how they have compelled us, the United States, to pay the costs of their commitments with our lives and fortunes.

As soon as the ink had become dry on the Standard Oil contract for the purchase of Communist oil, the entire Rockefeller propaganda machine was put to work to twist public opinion to conform with Rockefeller purposes. All of the tremendous power, which had been exerted to damn the Communists and stir hatred against them, was turned overnight to the task of building up in the U.S. a love of Communism and Russia for the purpose of creating a favorable atmosphere for recognition of the Soviets. Rockefeller profits are always a "holy cause", and a basis for a Crusade. On March 27, 1926, the New York Times announced under a Paris dateline:

"The Standard Oil Company of New York and the Vacuum Oil Company have just completed negotiations with the Soviet Government of Russia for the purchase of 190,000 tons of refined oil at $17 a ton, or a total of more than $3,200,000."

On the following day its front page announced:


"Ivy L. Lee, the best-known and most expensive of publicity agents, who among other activities is the 'adviser on public relations' of the Standard Oil Company, has begun to display keen interest in the recognition of the Soviet Government of Russia by the United States. Mr. Lee, it was learned yesterday, is so greatly interested that he has sent out a series of 'confidential letters' to prominent men in relation to the matter, among them to the former Secretary of State Elihu Root".

The letter to Root, who had served faithfully and indiscriminately both the Morgan and Rockefeller interests, like the balance of Ivy Lee's voluminous correspondence on the theme, was obviously merely a sounding board for the publicity campaign under way. His pleas were many and varied. But one of them is outstanding because it has become the keynote of Rockefeller Empire dogma: "the advantages of 'internationalism' vs. the disadvantages of 'isolationism'", as seen, of course, from the viewpoint of his masters. He frankly stated on their behalf:

"From our point of view, we want to trade with Russia".

"Internationalism For Profit" and "Love Those Communists" became the theme songs of every activity of the Rockefeller Empire. Like Bismarck before them, the Rockefeller interests had come to recognize in Marxist Communism and Socialism, power patterns which could be used to delude the "peasants" and made to serve their own imperial ambitions. Communist fronts were given their support and Rockefeller-controlled "philanthropies", social-service agencies and "educational" institutions were converted to Communist propaganda outlets. New fronts, hundreds of them, were created and sponsored, fostered and financed by the Rockefellers, their associates and allies, in order to build up sentiment in favor of Soviet Russia and recognition of the Bolshevik regime.

Ivy L. Lee took seriously the assignment he was given by his employer, John D. Rockefeller Jr. and his Standard Oil Co., to manage pro-Bolshevik propaganda and to teach the Communists all that he knew of the art of propaganda and public relations. The Soviets, and Hitler in the following decade, learned so much that made their poisonous propaganda effective, from Rockefeller's agent, wily Ivy Lee, that there can be only one explanation for their failure to set up memorials to him—ingratitude.

Following a two-week trip to Russia in May, 1927, as representative of the Rockefeller Empire, Lee was the first of a steady stream of its emissaries who, in the following decade, travelled to Russia as their guests or as guests of the Soviets, to return as agents of Red propaganda. After his return from Russia, Ivy Lee wrote and published a masterpiece of propaganda in favor of Russian recognition. The first edition was privately printed and circulated under the title, The USSR, An Enigma. And six months later a revised edition was published by the MacMillian Co. under the title, Present Day Russia.

In the preface of the book, Lee states that the purpose of his "mission to Moscow" was to get first-hand information on the state of mind of the rulers of Russia and to survey their propaganda methods. He pretends that he made his trip with an open mind in regard to the wisdom of trading with Russia. But it is a matter of record that his employers had made their deal with the Soviets and were trading with them on a vast scale at the time; and that he had already committed himself in favor of trading with Russia and aiding the Communist regime. The only purpose of this trip and his book therefore, was to serve the interests of his employers' allies, the interests of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis.

He reports that he gathered from his interview with Karl Radek, master of Communist propaganda and President of the Sun Yat-Sen (Chinese) University in Moscow, a number of important points to guide him in fulfilling the assignment given him by his employers—to serve the Soviets as consulting propagandist, in much the same manner as they later assigned him as consulting propagandist to Hitler and the Nazis.

Lee learned from Radek that the latter despaired of succeeding in Communist propaganda in the U.S. because of the prosperity that prevailed among the working classes; and that only in case of a depression did he hope to make any headway. He also was told that it was the object of the Communists to gain control of the hordes of Asia and China as the first step in their conquest of the world. But he found that the "Bolshevik propaganda was, in itself, perfectly futile" and was largely confined to "training a very large number of people in the philosophy and technique of revolution." These were his guides in harnessing the Rockefeller fortune and "philanthropies" to the service of their allies, and in facilitating the progress of Communism.

Naively, for the record, he describes his object as the defeat of the purpose of his clients. He points to the menace of alignment by Bolshevist Russia with the distressed hordes of Asia as the potent reason for attracting Russia to the West, with trade. Quoting President Wilson's statement at Turin—"The men who do the business of the world now shape the destinies of the world", he points to Russia as the supreme challenge to the business man, and the failure of diplomacy. He poses the question: Is not business as usual the best road back to "normalcy" and the elimination of the menace of a Bolshevist alliance with Asia?

The book was obviously written with tongue in cheek, to delude the public into accepting recognition and trade with Russia, while the conspirators proceeded with their plan to make good the terms of their deal with Russia and to precipitate the very menace which he pretended to be seeking to avert. The Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial had already begun to finance the Institute of Pacific Relations, a Communist espionage agency dedicated to the carrying out of Russia's plan to attain world conquest through control of China, India and ultimately the balance of Asia. The depression, which Radek envisaged as essential if Communism was to make any headway among American workers, was engineered and already in preparation.

The Memorial had undertaken, under the aegis of Beardsley Ruml, to foster the spread of Marxism, Communism and Socialism in the U.S. and the world, by financing numerous agencies devoted to the Red objective of bringing about a "new social order" through the so-called "social sciences". Among these agencies, the financing of which by Rockefeller got under way only after the deal with the Soviets for their oil, are the following:

Russian Student Fund Institute of Pacific Relations American Council of Learned Societies Conference of Social Sciences International School of Geneva National Research Council Social Science Research Council Institute of International Education Russian Zemstvos and Town Relief Committees Council on Foreign Relations American Council on Education Economic Foundation London School of Economics & Political Science Peoples Institute of New York Spelman Fund of New York

Ivy Lee's process of creating a favorable sentiment for the recognition of Russia, as required by the Rockefeller-Soviet deal, involved fulfillment of another condition of the deal,—fostering the spread of Communism in the U.S. This required no break in the avowed policies of the Rockefeller Empire and "philanthropies", as laid down by Rockefeller and Reverend Gates in the General Education Board Occasional Letter No. 1—totalitarianism.

How perfect a totalitarian state was Communist Russia and how uncomplicated was the process of doing business with Moscow, was admirably clear. Ivy Lee dilates upon it in his book. He points out in the preface that Soviet Russia is a dictatorship controlled by a few men, which makes it possible to come to an understanding of, and with, the nation even in so brief a period as the ten days he spent in the country to qualify as an expert on its affairs and write his book. In fact, the Rockefeller support of Communist totalitarianism was the natural outcome of the confluence of two streams of development of totalitarian thought and activity. One was that of Bismarck and Germany. Bismarck had fostered Marxism, the recrudescence of the primitive remedy of need since the days of primordial man, as a device for promoting the vast-scale crime he contemplated, conquest of the world. The second confluent development was the equally vast-scale crime contemplated by Rockefeller and Reverend Gates through the use of the same device in the guise of religion and sham "benevolence" and "philanthropy".

The conversion of our educational system to Marxist propaganda, as in Germany where it had been launched originally by Bismarck through the German government and its universities, as "social science", had made considerable headway. Harvard University, where the influence of German Marxist propaganda had appeared earliest, prior to the end of the 19th century, had advanced so far in the conversion of education to unadulterated subversive propaganda that its class of 1927 alone, included three now notorious Reds: Frederick Vanderbilt Field, now in jail for contempt of court in connection with traitorous Communist activities, and Joseph Fels Barnes, both editors of the traitorous Amerasia magazine and members of the equally treasonous Institute of Pacific Relations, as well as policy-making members of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations; and Lawrence Duggan, former colleague of Nelson Rockefeller and Alger Hiss in the State Department, of Rockefeller's Institute of International Education and of his Council on Foreign Relations.

Subsidized by the Rockefeller philanthropies, Professor Felix Frankfurter of Harvard made a cause celebre of the Sacco-Vanzetti case, one of the first popularly exploited, frankly Communist causes. The Rockefeller interests and their "philanthropies" found ready to hand a host of subversives bred by their own and Bismarck's program, and merely took over and merged the various schools of subversives into a vast treatcherous machine for carrying out the purposes of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis, under the leadership of their Council on Foreign Relations, that became in effect the Foreign Office of the Rockefeller Empire.

In China at the same time, the Rockefeller interests were doing their utmost to further the objectives of their Axis partner, the Soviets, by intensively propagandizing Communism in China itself, supplementing the efforts of Radek's Chinese University in Moscow. The Rockefeller interests and "philanthropies" have controlled education in China since their initial activities about 1913 in connection with their quest for concessons for oil. The major part of some $35,000,000 of Rockefeller "benevolences", that China received, flowed into propaganda that was called "education". The prize educational institution financed by the Rockefellers in China was the missionary Yenching University in Peiping, rightly regarded as the Harvard of China. It is a true counterpart of Harvard in its Marxist Communist character.

The president of Yenching U. was Dr. John Leighton Stuart, a staunch advocate of the policy of the State Department Communists of betraying the Chinese Nationalist Government by forcing Chiang Kai-shek to include Communists in his government in a "coalition" that so regularly precedes complete Kremlin control. He was recommended by Rockefeller to his State Department agents as American Ambassador to China, and was dutifully appointed by General Marshall. This act, as well as the entirety of Rockefeller-directed, sponsored and financed China activities, clearly indicates direct personal responsibility for the policy of turning over China to the Soviets in compliance with the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis accord.

Rockefeller's Yenching University staff is loaded with Reds and pro-Communists, including the following:

  • Dr. Randolph Sailor, who frequently addresses pro-Red Chinese meetings arranged by Communist front organizations, and his wife, who has nothing but praise for the Communists.
  • Dr. Lucius Porter, who frankly favors the Chinese Communists and, in company with Mrs. Paul Robeson, was a keynote speaker at a Communist conference at the Hotel Brevoort in N. Y. C. called to demand recognition of the Chinese Communist Government and its seating at the United Nations.
  • Dr. William Dryden Phelps, who contributed to Soviet Russia Today a letter praising and supporting the Chinese Communists.
  • Donald G. Tewksbury, who is a frequent speaker at meetings favoring recognition of Chinese Communists, and is active in the Committee For A Democratic Far Eastern Policy, organized by Red Frederick Vanderbilt Field.
  • Dr. T. C. Chao, dean of the School of Religion, who heads the movement to "reform" Christianity in China and to ally the Christian Church with the Communist Government, in much the manner as was done, with Rockefeller support, by the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America.
  • Thomas A. Bisson, who was formerly editor of Amerasia and is a champion of the Chinese Communist cause.

The College of Public Affairs of the University, that is liberally supported with Rockefeller funds, had on its faculty the following Reds:

  • Dr. George E. Taylor, who is co-author of the play, The Phoenix And The Dwarf, that glorified the Chinese Communists, and was employed in the U.S. State Department and the OWI.
  • Michael Lindsay, British Communist, who became public-relations officer of the Chinese Communists at Yenan.
  • Maxwell S. Stewart, who was formerly a teacher at the Moscow Institute, and an editor of the Moscow Daily News, and is a founder of the Communist Party front, Friends of the Chinese People, and a notorious Communist fronter.

The Harvard-Yenching Foundation, that receives Rockefeller Foundation support, provided for the following champions of the Red cause:

  • Owen Lattimore, who represented it in Peiping in 1930-31.
  • John K. Fairbanks, who championed Lattimore in the McCarthy expose, and advocated the Chinese Communist cause.
  • Theodore H. White, pro-Chinese Communist author of Thunder Over China.

There can be no serious question of the fact that Rockefeller's Institute of Pacific Relations was a very effective espionage agency of the Soviet government, the only government officially an adherent of the organization, that served the Kremlin loyally and well, especially in China and India. Among the organizers of the Russian Council of the IPR was

  • A. S. Swandze, brother-in-law of Joseph Stalin.
  • Many persons, including Alexander Barmine, former brigadier general in the Soviet military intelligence service,
  • LouisF. Budenz, former editor of the U.S. Communist Daily Worker,

Elizabeth Bentley, former Communist spy, and Freda Utley, former British Communist author, who was employed in the Russian Council of the IPR itself, have attested to the service that the Institute and its editors, including Owen Lattimore, Philip C. Jessup, Thomas A. Bisson and others, have rendered the Soviets, and to the completely Communist character of the IPR. It is a matter of record that Sorge and his fellow spies of the IPR knew in the summer of 1941 that the Japanese planned to attack Pearl Harbor, but they were quite careful to withhold the fact from the American public so that their employers' plans would not be upset.

The officers and personnel of the IPR's dominant "American" Council have been most effective agents in carrying out the policies and conspiracies of the Kremlin in Asia. Prominent among them have been

  • Alger Hiss, now in jail for perjury in connection with treason on behalf of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis (though his mentor and adviser, John Foster Dulles, top statesman of this Axis, is still dominant in the State Department as "Special Adviser" to— or boss of—the Secretary);
  • Owen Lattimore, labelled "top Communist agent" by Senator Joseph McCarthy; and
  • Philip C. Jessup, U.S. Ambassador at Large and top representative of the State Department, especially in Far Eastern affairs, now appropriately appointed American delegate to the UN.

All of these men have been ranking members of Rockefeller's Foreign Office, the Council on Foreign Relations. To their number has been added, officially in the past year, though he has been their agent from the start, General George Catlett Marshall, formerly Chief of Staff and Secretary of State, and then anomalous Secretary of "Defense". Dean Acheson collaborates with them fully, and John Stewart Service," political adviser to Chiang Kai-shek from the State Department, was one of their number.

Freda Utley, in her Last Chance In China has described how the top officers of the Institute of Pacific Relations, Lattimore and Carter, went to Moscow "for help and advice". She comments:

"To hear these Americans submit themselves to our (the Kremlin's) dictates on theory and policy was amusing, if not sad."

The traitorous officers of Rockefeller's Institute of Pacific Relations had served the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis extraordinarily well. This was made perfectly clear in the testimony before the House Un-American Activities Committee given by Mitsusada Yoshikawa, special investigations chief of the Japanese Attorney General's Office, and by Major General Charles A. Willoughby, Allied Intelligence Chief at Tokyo, attached to General MacArthur's staff, as reported in the New York Times in a special dispatch by John D. Morris on Aug. 9, 1951. Yoshikawa testified that Richard Sorge and his spy ring, comprising several members of the Institute of Pacific Relations, "acted in 'dual capacity', as spy and as active propagandist for a Japanese strike southward, so that Russia could withdraw defense troops from Siberia" and the Japanese military machine would be turned against the U.S.

Major General Willoughby testified that the collaboratores of the executed Red spy, Sorge, from the ranks of Rockefeller's Institute of Pacific Relations had been "hired in the (United) States and unloaded on Tokyo", or, in other words, specifically hired by the IPR and its bosses for their treason. These agents included the following:

  • Agnes Smedley, a notorious American Communist agent and propagandist, about whom Willoughby released a special intelligence report which the Communists in the State Department disavowed, following an insolent threat to sue for libel, made by her. Yoshikawa also identified Smedley as a member of Sorge's spy ring.
  • Gunther Stein, a German Communist, Chungking correspondent of the Christian Science Monitor and London Daily Telegraph, who wrote regularly for the IPR's publications, Pacific Affairs, Far Eastern Survey, and Amerasia. He was arrested in France, November 14, 1950, for espionage. His writings, according to the testimony introduced into the records, were widely promulgated by the OWI.
  • Kinkazu Saionji, the adopted grandson of a Japanese prince.
  • Horsumi Ozaki, No. 2 man in the Sorge spy ring, who was executed with him. With Saionji, Ozaki represented Japan at the Yosemite National Park conference of the IPR in 1936.

In the same manner there had been planted by the IPR in General MacArthur's headquarters a number of its agents, including the following:

  • Thomas A. Bisson, Yenching U. pro-Communist associate of Owen Lattimore, who later became editor of Amerasia. He was identified by Dr. Karl Wittfogel, an erstwhile German Communist, before the Committee, as a Communist.
  • Miriam S. Farley, who wrote to her superiors in the IPR: "I have been put to work doing the political section of MacArthur's monthly report. There will be a certain sporting interest in seeing how much I can get by with."
  • Andrew Grazdenzev.

This treachery suited the purpose of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis perfectly. In the first place it turned the Japanese from attacking their natural and vulnerable enemy, Russia, and from seizing the Russian oil fields. Directly after World War I, U.S. and Allied troops had been used in conjunction with White Russian forces to shut the Japanese out of Siberia at the instance of the same Standard Oil interests, as their avowed policy, that was once again served by the activities of their IPR espionage agents. Secondly, by precipitating the attack on Pearl Harbor, these plotters had brought about the war between the U.S. and Japan that they had sought, through their agent Henry L. Stimson without success of President Hoover but with perfect success, of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. They succeeded in getting American troops to rescue the Standard Oil property in China that was being despoiled by the Japanese. They also insured the delivery of China and Asia to their Soviet ally, by eliminating Japan, the only power in the Orient that could block the way.

It might appear that in so doing the Rockefeller Empire would lose oil-concessions and reserves in the territories turned over to the Soviets. But there is considerable evidence that the long-standing agreement on the subject of oil between the members of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis is the strongest bond that ties them together. The Kremlin took over the Standard Oil concessions from China, after it had been betrayed to the Chinese Communists by the activities of the IPR and other agents of the Rockefeller Empire, in and out of the State Department and the U.S. Government. The Kremlin specifically required that the terms of the concessions that it received from the Chinese should be absolutely identical with those given the Standard Oil companies. This makes it hard to escape the conclusion that the Kremlin was acting as an agent of the Rockefeller Empire in taking over the concessions, and that such action is one of the basic terms of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis accord.

At home, in the U.S., the Rockefeller Foundation took over from the General Education Board and the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial the assignment of promoting Communism under the cover of "social science" and "humanities". The country's educational system, every important vehicle for transmission of information and eventually even the Federal Government itself became parts of a huge conspiracy of betrayal. Our schools, colleges and universities, especially those supported by the Rockefeller Foundation, became "schools for treason" that turned out an army of traitors who have not hesitated to betray our country at every possible opportunity. Each of the tens of thousands of graduates in the "social sciences", became an added pressure for a "managed", or Marxist, economy. For their training is designed to enable them to earn a living only in "managing" the lives and affairs of others! This implies elimination of Constitution and our republic. They are the most powerful lobby and pressure group for a Marxist regime, which they camouflage with the name "New Deal" and "Fair Deal"; for only under such a regime can they earn a livelihood, and only under a frankly Communist and totalitarian regime can they hope to attain the full development and power for which their training was designed.

Ivy Lee and his employers turned their energies in earnest to "creating in the U.S. an atmosphere favorable to the recognition of Russia". This became the principal function of the Foundation, that always sails the course dictated by Rockefeller interests. Stalin could have no occasion to find fault with the Rockefeller Standard Oil group for failing to live up to the very letter of their agreement.

With the support of Rockefeller-dominated "philanthropies", some of the most dangerous Communist fronts were set up for the subversion of the American "peasants". The more "educated" they were in the Rockefeller-supervised thought-control machine, the more readily they succumbed; which accounts for the far higher percentage of traitors exposed among the "educated" than among the rank and file. No accredited Communist agent or dangerous subversive failed to secure support from the foundations, no matter how remote the bearing on the Marxist cause.

No activity that serves Soviet Russia's interests has been regarded as too minor for Rockefeller support, no Communist agent beyond its pale. This is illustrated by the case of Hanns Eisler, brother of Gerhardt Eisler, top Communist agent in the U.S. until he jumped bail and fled the country to Germany, where he became a high Communist official in the Soviet zone and one of the chief antagonists of the American Occupation officials.

When Hanns Eisler was ordered deported from the U.S. by immigration authorities as a Communist, at the expiration of his visa, obtained as a "visiting lecturer", Alva S. Johnson, director of the Marxist New School For Social Research, and Eleanor Roosevelt interceded with James L. Houghteling, Roosevelt cousin and Commissioner of Immigration, to stay Hanns Eisler's deportation indefinitely. The Rockefeller henchman arranged to have the Foundation provide for Eisler with a $20,160 grant. The Rockefeller Foundation announced this grant in the 1940 report as follows:


"Music In Film Production

"The Foundation made a grant of $20,160 to the New School for Social Research for experimental studies of music in film production during the two year period beginning February 1, 1940. These studies are under the direction of Dr. Hanns Eisler, a member of the School's faculty and a well-known composer of music for motion pictures. His studies will deal with the possibility of utilizing new types of musical material in film production . . .

"The work will culminate in the preparation and recording of different musical scores for various types of visual content. These recordings will be deposited in the Film Library of the Museum of Modern Art where they will be available to producers and students of the motion picture."

The "new type of musical material" to which the report refers were the works of Communist composers of the breed of Eisler himself, composer of such edifying Communist popular songs as We Must Be Ready To Take Over, and of other "composers" who turn out the brand of sound effects dictated by Stalin and the Politburo as conducive to the cause of revolution and "proletarian" rule.

A number of purposes are served by these activities, aside from compliance with the entente of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis. First, they serve to pervert American taste and to enjoin submission and regimentation, even of taste, as part of the process of poisoning the "peasant" minds. Second, they flatter Communist "kultur" in the same manner as Nelson Rockefeller did Latin American through his Museum of Modern Art. Third, they provide a source of income for the Soviets to pay for their propaganda and their all-out war on us, through a steady stream of royalties paid to their licensing agency.

For the purpose of grooming their traitorous Communist agents for service in the U.S. Government and planting them in key posts, where they could work their treason as bureaucrats and masters of the American people, many Rockefeller-controlled agencies collaborated. Top Rockefeller agency, the Communist-riddled Council on Foreign Relations, openly boasts, as stated in the chapter on that organization, in its annual reports, that it has planted innumerable agents in policy-making Federal posts, for which it trains them.

The Rockefeller Foundation allocated considerable sums to its heavily subsidized Council of Learned Societies for the specific purpose of compiling lists of "specialists" for appointment to various Government posts. Of these sums, $31,000 was earmarked for assembling data and drawing up recommendations on personnel in the humanistic fields. As might be expected of the Rockefeller "philanthropies", the man selected to head this activity, Mortimer Graves, had a long, Red, pro-Communist record.

During the war it was common knowledge that Graves was responsible for planting in key, Far East policy positions in the Government large numbers of Reds, especially those from the Institute of Pacific Relations.

It was through agencies of these types that the Rockefeller Empire was able to build up the New Deal and Fair Deal Administrations as "Popular Front" Communist regimes that complied with their deal with Soviet Russia. Even during the period of the Korean War, their complete cooperation continues under the sham pretense of opposition to Communism, that has become the Party line since Communism has grown unpopular because of the Korean War.

The attainment of the ultimate goal sought by the totalitarian conspirators of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis, their complete domination of the U.S. and ultimately of the world, all gained at the expense of the American taxpayer, has been the true purpose of the New and Fair Deals. Their treacherous and seemingly "crazy" pattern can be understood fully only when examined from this viewpoint. In a letter to Elihu Root, protesting his opposition to recognition of Russia, Ivy L. Lee stated:

"What I would like to see, however, is a condition brought about under which you, and men like you, would think it wise to accord such recognition ".

Lee recognized prevailing prosperity, especially among the workers, as one of the chief obstacles to fulfillment of the conditions laid down by the Soviets. He expresses the idea succinctly in his interview with Radek on the topic of Bolshevik propaganda in the U.S.A., published in his Present Day Russia. He pointed out that Communist propaganda could not make headway against the high wages and the automobiles of the American workers; but better results could be expected if there were depression and trouble in the land.

It was not long before the conditions for which Lee wished, were brought about. The stock-market crash of 1929 was skillfully engineered by huge withdrawals of gold from the Treasury. The first shipment of gold, by the Chase National Bank to France, preceding the break, was reported to be $500,000,000 in gold bars, withdrawn at the prevailing rate of $20 an ounce. The Rockefeller-dominated banks reimported it in 1934 and redeemed it at $35 an ounce after they had profited hugely from currency manipulation in France and England and had arranged its revaluation here.

The depression that was such a horror for the country and the capitalist world was an era that was tremendously profitable for the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis, in many directions; and they did their utmost to prolong it and profit from it in the fullest measure. The misery and grinding poverty of the period, as Radek and Ivy Lee had foreseen, turned the unthinking to acceptance of the quack remedy of Marxism and its progressive slavery, that parades as "managed economy", and that was offered them by the Rockefeller-subsidized "social scientists".

The relatively unknown consequences of Communism, equal poverty for all except the overlords, that were misrepresented to the people through every avenue of Rockefeller Red propaganda, through numerous agencies and "philanthropies" and later through the Government itself, lured the moronic mob. The mob lacked the intellectual capacity to discern that both the prevailing order and Communist totalitarianism are identical, both of them scarcity economies; that for the rank and file it merely meant jumping from the frying pan of depression and deflation into the fire of war and inflation. It became a simple matter to sell the "peasants" on recognition of the Soviets abroad and a "Popular Front", New Deal, "progressive" dictatorship at home.

All moves were planned well in advance by the conspirators. They made no effort to disguise the fact that "they planned it that way". Thus the Rockefeller Foundation report of 1935 announced the setting up of planning agencies designed to be taken over and incorporated into the Government. The report noted:

". . . Increased reliance upon the expert and technical adviser (in the field of international relations) by governmental authorities is the most significant development of the past decade. The Foundation has been in a position to make such services available in a number of instances, and there have been some notable results . . . "

Symbolic of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis is the juxtaposition of the Foreign Office of the Rockefeller Empire, the Council on Foreign Relations, and the building that houses the Soviet UN delegation headed by Nelson Rockefeller's friend, Andrei Gromyko. They are located on opposite sides of the west corner of Park Avenue at 68th Street, New York City, a short distance from Rockefeller's home. On the southwest corner stands the Harold Pratt home, built by a scion of Rockefeller's partner. After his death, it was turned over to Rockefeller's Council by the widow, to avoid payment of taxes.

On the second floor, front, facing 68th Street, is a large council room in which stands an immense horseshoe table covered with green cloth. On the far side of its center stands a huge armchair that serves in the capacity of a throne. It is there that are held the conferences that determine the fate of nations and the world; that plot and dictate the policies adopted by Washington and the State Department to Dean Acheson or anyone who happens to be the Empire's puppet Secretary of State, who sits at the foot of the table to receive his instructions. It was the scene of Alger Hiss' most glorious moments as premier of the Rockefeller Empire, before his office was transferred to the Lewisburg Federal Penitentiary as Jailbird No. 19137 for perjury in connection with his treasonous activities on behalf of the Rockefeller Empire, that placed him in a position from which all its wealth and power could not extricate him though the policies he advocated are carried on by others of his associates.

No flag has ever been seen by us hanging in front of the building. This may symbolize its "internationalism". Or it may mean that the Rockefeller Empire is not yet ready to break out its banner, which we humbly suggest very well might be the flying Pegasus flag of the Socony Vacuum Oil Co., or the Esso emblem.

Directly opposite the headquarters of the Rockefeller Empire, on the northwest comer, stands the mansion build by Percy Pyne, of the National City Bank. It was purchased, according to rumor, by Rockefeller interests and turned over to the UN Soviet delegation, to house Gromyko and his staff. It is constantly surrounded by dozens of cars bearing UN plates, provided at the expense of American taxpayers. Over the huge fireplace at the end of the immense reception hall, hangs a portrait of Lenin. The hall has been the scene of celebrations following the bloody retreat of American forces in Korea, and also after the dismissal of General MacArthur. On festive occasions the Red hammer-and-sickle flag flies from its flagpole; but never an American flag. That is one corner of the land where nothing patriotic or American is tolerated. It is the hub of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis.