Rockefeller Internationalist - Emanuel Josephson




Institute of Pacific Relations —
Soviet Espionage and Propaganda Agency

"Who controls Asia, controls the world."—Lenin

The Institute of Pacific Relations is a most vital propaganda agency for the Communist conspiracy of world conquest. One of the basic tenets expressed by Lenin was: "Who controls Asia, controls the world". For Asia holds more than half the population of the world and is rich in resources. Lenin's conspiracy is identical with that of Hitler's Professor Haushofer,—conquest of the world through domination of the Eurasian land mass.

The negotiation of the deal entered into by Standard Oil companies with the Communists for surplus Russian oil, which constitutes the charter of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis, was under way in 1925-26. The virtually simultaneous organization of the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR) for the purpose of carrying out the most important and basic aspect of the Communist conspiracy, the conquest of Asia, under Rockefeller auspices and with the financing of the Rockefeller Foundation, might well have been an important element in the deal. For no one propaganda agency has contributed more to the success of Lenin's Asiatic conquest plot than has the IPR. When the House Committee listed the American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations as subversive and Communist, it put the case most mildly.

The dependence of the IPR on Rockefeller is made clear by the appended list of grants to it which total more than $2,000,000 over a period of 25 years.

As in the case of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Rockefeller interests insured subservience of the Institute of Pacific Relations to them by the device of annual grants, instead of endowment, that could be varied in accord with how well the Institute served them.

The IPR American Council was represented in 1927 at the signing of the constitution of the IPR by Ray Lyman Wilbur, then president of Leland Stanford University, later Cabinet officer under Hoover and member of Rockefeller's Foreign Office, the Council on Foreign Relations. Associated with him were Henry S. Pritchett, of the Carnegie Foundation for the Improvement of Teaching and member of the Council on Foreign Relations; Leo Wolman, Director of Research of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers' Union and member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations; Stephen P. Duggan, Director of the Rockefeller-subsidized Institute of International Education and member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations; Edward Clark Carter, secretary of the Y.M.C.A., and of The Inquiry, later Director of the subversive Russian American Institute that has been labeled a direct agency of the Kremlin, decorated for his treacherous services for the Soviets with the Order of the Red Banner of Labor by Stalin in person, President of the Russian Relief, and secretary general of the IPR, and member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations. It was Carter who, with the full weight of Rockefeller influence behind him, acted to found the Institute at a Honolulu conference in 1925. But he was soon joined by other Imperial agents and dupes who served to disguise the subversive character of the enterprise.

In its 1930 Report (p.228) the Rockefeller Foundation acknowledged its key and dominant role in setting up the Institute:

"These (IPR) activities were first given substantial assistance through a grant by the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial."

Though Rockefellers launched the IPR, for obvious propaganda purposes they preferred to represent (R.F. 1930 Report, p. 252) that:

"It was established by the peoples of the Pacific area to promote cooperative study of their mutual relations and is an unofficial body centering its activities in biennial conferences. An International Secretariat is maintained at Honolulu to coordinate studies and researches undertaken by various national groups in preparation for the conferences. The governing body, called the Pacific Council, consists of one representative from each national organization or council. A monthly journal. Pacific Affairs, is published in addition to the proceedings of the conferences. Though the organization operates entirely in an unofficial capacity, it has become an effective mechanism for promoting international understanding by competent and expert discussion."

In its 1933 report (p. 263) Rockefeller expatiates further on the glories of his IPR, as follows:

"The Institute of Pacific Relations seeks to advance international understanding, particularly in the Pacific area. Its work is carried out through the Pacific Council and through the national councils in the nine countries contributing to its general budget, namely the United States, Australia, Canada, China, Great Britain, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand and the Philippine Islands."

Though the U.S.S.R. did not join the Institute until a later date, she was amply represented from the very start by Communists and fellow travellers who comprised the bulk of the membership of the American Council, of which the 1935 Rockefeller Foundation report boasts: (p. 222)

"It is the strongest of the national groups making up the membership of the Institute of Pacific Relations, and assumes the responsibility of leadership in financing the secretariat of the Institute and the biennial conference, and in stimulating research and publication. The American Council works closely with universities and other research and educational organizations."

It is understandable, however, that the Rockefeller reports claim no credit for support of the notorious pro-Communist Amerasia magazine, the editors of which were arrested on charges of wholesale misappropriation of secret government documents. As chief supporters of the American Council of the IPR the Rockefellers inevitably gave support to Amerasia. For as Sen. Joseph McCarthy pointed out (C.R., March 30, 1950, p. 4453)

". . . Far Eastern Survey, the publication of the American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations for a long time occupied offices adjoining the official offices of Amerasia; . . . in order to get into one office, one went through the other—almost a sort of joint venture".

As a matter of fact, Amerasia occupied the offices of the Institute of Pacific Relations with its official publications, Far East Survey and Pacific Relations. The offices were located in a row of brownstone buildings owned by Carter's Y.M.C.A., extending from 121 to 129 E. 52 Street, New York City, reputedly donated by the Rockefellers. The partitions and walls of the buildings had been knocked out so that they all communicated, in order to mask the identity of control, an act that is so characteristic of the Rockefeller propaganda setups. And to create an appearance of independence, the magazines used the different street numbers of the same building as their addresses.

"Joint ventures", quoting McCarthy, they were indeed. Amerasia was in reality an unofficial publication of the IPR that served as a semi- official outlet for its Russian Council. Aside from enjoying the offices provided with Rockefeller funds, the magazines shared an array of Red editors and authors in common. In matters controversial, they were all written in the same vein, the policy of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis.

Pacific Affairs listed Frederick Vanderbilt Field as editor in 1933 and in 1934 Owen Lattimore became editor, with W. L. Holland, Bruno Lasker, F.N. Petroff of Moscow, Norman Cooper, Sidney, Arnold Toynbee of London, G de T Glazebrook of Toronto, Roger L. Levy of Paris, Samitato Uramotsi of Tokyo, J.H. Boeke of Holland and D. K. Lieu of Shanghai as associate editors. In December 1936, the foreign associate editors were dropped and Owen Lattimore became sole editor with Catherine Porter as managing editor. The frontispiece carried the notation:

"Articles in Pacific Affairs do not represent views of either the Institute of Pacific Relations or the National Councils of which it is composed. The Editor of Pacific Affairs is responsible for the selection of authors and the acceptance of articles."

The address of the Pacific Affairs editorial office is given as 129 East 52 Street, whereas that of Amerasia was 125 East 52 Street. But the manuscripts of the editors of Amerasia found their way into the office of Pacific Affairs even before Lattimore took over exclusive control. Thus its pages were graced with articles from the pens of Amerasia editors Lattimore, Field, Cyrus H. Peake, Ch'ao Ting-chi and Harriet Moore prior to 1936. The Amerasia editors were also listed as staff members of the American Council of IPR. But when Lattimore took over, the editors of Amerasia really "went to town" in the pages of Pacific Affairs and their articles occupied ever more space. Staff members of the American Council of the IPR and editors of Amerasia, William W. Lockwood who at the same time was acting editor of Far East Survey, David H. Popper who was also Research Assistant for the Foreign Policy Association, and Kate L. Mitchell swarmed in its pages. The marriage of Amerasia and Pacific Affairs was complete.

The same Amerasia editors managed to secure steady publication for their propaganda output in Far East Survey even when their associate, William W. Lockwood, was not its acting editor. Eleanor Lattimore made the grade in 1948, and in 1943, Frederick Vanderbilt Field reported on the IPR's Mont Tremblant Conference. The difference in address did not constitute any barrier to an identity of ideology of the three publications of the IPR financed so liberally by Rockefeller.

Their "protection" would serve to explain the failure of the Department of Justice to prosecute the persons involved as spies and traitors in the Amerasia case that was called by J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI "a one hundred percent airtight case". (C.R. March 30, 1950, p. 4437)

Soviet Russia is the only government that is a member of Rockefeller's Institute of Pacific Relations. Russia joined in 1931. George Sokolsky reported (N.Y. Journal American, 3/14/51):

"It was announced that the Russian Council of the Institute had been formed, (at the time of the Hangchow-Shanghai conference of the IPR, held between October 2 and November 2, 1931) with Dr. Fedor N. Petrov as chairman. This is the beginning of active and direct Soviet participation in the affairs of the Institute of Pacific Relations".

By curious chance the Rockefeller Foundation reports omit mention of this incident that made the Rockefellers the principal sponsor of another official Communist agency, the IPR. Nor do they boast of the fact that A. S. Swandze, brother-in-law of Joseph Stalin, was one of the organizers of the Russian Council.

In the report of the Banff Conference of the IPR, held August 14 to 26, 1933, which Russia did not Attend, the following explanation was offered:

". .. lack of recognition of the Soviet Government by the Government of Canada and the United States, and passport regulations that fall short of according visitors from the Soviet Union complete equality with representatives of other countries, prevented this proferred co-operation from materalizing. The Pacific Council, in taking cognizance of this situation, not only expressed deep regret but determined to make sure that the time and place for the next conference, in 1935, should be chosen with full regard for the wishes of this important member group." (Journal American, April 10, 1951)

Laurance S. Rockefeller represented the family interests at the conference, as secretary of the American Council of the IPR, in company with Frederick Vanderbilt Field, Benjamin H. Kizer, Harriet Moore, Kate Mitchell and Owen Lattimore, editors of Amerasia, and Joseph Barnes, Mrs. F. V. Field, Philip Jessup and Henry R. Luce. Newton D. Baker was chairman of the American Council. John D. Rockefeller 3d attended the Kyoto IPR conference as secretary to James G. MacDonald of Rockefeller's Foreign Policy Association.

Freda Utley, who was formerly a member of the British Communist Party, was employed by the Russian Council of the Institute of Foreign Relations in Moscow. She reported to Senator McCarthy (CR, 3/30/50, p. 4446) that she met Owen Lattimore in Moscow in 1936, when he was there in company of E.C. Carter as delegate of the IPR for the purpose of briefing by the Politburo. She stated that she was not admitted to the secret meetings beween the Russian Communist leaders and the IPR delegates. But she stated that it was common knowledge at the Moscow Institute "that the Soviet government was paying a large sum as its contribution to the Institute of Pacific Relations".

The evidence of Freda Utley in regard to Lattimore and Carter was confirmed by another affidavit, as follows:

"I met and got to know Owen Lattimore in the spring of 1936 in Moscow when he and E.C. Carter were very obviously receiving instructions from the Soviet Government concerning the line which the Institute of Pacific Relations ought to follow".

Under these circumstances it is scarcely surprising to find that the IPR served as agents, spies and agents provocateurs for its principal supporters, the Rockefeller Empire and Soviet Russia. Proverbially, "the man who pays the piper calls the tune". The Soviets called the tune mighty insistently, as is evidenced by the pilgrimage of Owen Lattimore, editor of IPR publications, and Roosevelt's and the New Deal State Department's "top authority on the Far East," to Chinese Communist headquarters in Yenan. This was reported, quoting Senator McCarthy's report to Congress (C.R. 3/30/50, p. 4446), in

" . . . an article by Philip J. Jaffe entitled "Chinese Communists Tole Me", which appeared in the New Masses of October 12, 1937.

"In this article Jaffe gives considerable detail about his travels in China with T.A. Bisson and Owen Lattimore, giving details as to their stay at the Communist Foreign Office at Yenan, and being greeted on their arrival at Communist headquarters by Agnes Smedley."

This devotion of the IPR to the interests of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis, however, did not preclude its serving also as an espionage agency in other directions, especially when it served the interests of its masters. Correspondence of the IPR seized in the barn of E. C. Carter's country home at Lee, Mass., throws interesting light on such espionage. The records make it clear that the IPR was the center of a vast espionage ring, serving the interests of its masters, as. they might vary, following each twist and turn of the Party line. Orders were issued disposing of a vast number of agents, from Owen Lattimore and Philip Jessup up and down the line. They indicate that the IPR played its part, in the network of Rockefeller agencies, in engineering the precipitation of World War II and our involvement in it.

Thus in a letter from E.C. Carter, secretary general of the IPR, to William W. Lockwood, one of the editors of Amerasia who was active in numerous Communist fronts, including the National People's Committee Against Hearst and the American Committee for International Studies, and Director of the Woodrow Wilson Institute, Princeton University, is a discussion of "basic work (by) many groups and individuals" in the international field that clearly is a combination of espionage and propaganda, which it is suggested could be enhanced by the following assignments:

"Bring over R.H. Tawney so that he may appraise, criticize and interpret the Corbett project, contribute to it and at the same time make a critique of the plans of other serious groups on this continent.

"Bring Ushiba, Saionji or Yokota in order that we may have someone from the very insides of Japan closely in touch with current thought in the Japanese army, the bureaucracies and the universities.

"Bring von Trott from Berlin to be associated with Corbett, Sansom, Tawney and others and hold him here until a week before America enters the war . . . "

Saionji was a key member of Sorge's Red spy ring. These letters make it clear that Rockefeller's IPR controlled the spy ring that instigated the attack on Pearl Harbor, and that they knew in advance, to the very day, when it would occur and involve us in the war.

Von Trott is more adequately identified by Carter in a letter to Owen Lattimore on October 29, 1940, as one of their agents, as follows:

"Adam von Trott has found that the best way of advancing the interests of the IPR these difficult days in Germany has been to join the staff of the Foreign Office to promote Far Eastern studies. As a member of the Foreign Office, therefore, he is ineligible to be a member of the international secretariat and his name should be deleted from the last pages of Pacific Affairs."

The treatment that Carter suggested extending to Russia was entirely different:

"Send Harriet Moore to the USSR to go through all government party writing on postwar problems and supplement this by interviewing party and Politburo chiefs."

In the case of Russia it was not a matter of espionage but conferring and receiving instructions and orders through a trusted war horse of the Party.

The regard in which the Kremlin held the IPR espionage activities was related by a former Communist general on the basis of conversations in 1935-1936 with a top general in the Soviet intelligence, in an affidavit that Sen. Joseph McCarthy gave the FBI and Congress (CR, 3/30/51, p. 4445);

"The thing that particularly disturbed Russian intelligence was that they had difficulty in getting Russian agents into the Far East because of the suspicion of the Japanese and the Chinese at that time . . . the head of the Russian intelligence told . . . that they were having excellent success through the Institute of Pacific Relations, which the Soviet intelligence, through Communists in the United States, had taken over. In connection with this he particularly mentioned Owen Lattimore and another individual. . . The (latter) individual has not been connected with the State Department, but did spend some time with Lattimore in the OWI .. .

"The former Red army general('s) . . . testimony will further be that in the course of visits to other European capitals, he had received approximately the same information about the IPR and also about Lattimore . . "

When it served the interests of its masters, the IPR did not hesitate to act for other foreign powers, as in the preparation of Japan for its attack on Pearl Harbor. It served the conspirators well by forcing the U.S. into World War II without a declaration of war by Congress. This story is well told in an article entitled "IPR-Tokyo Axis" by Sheppard Marley, that appeared in the December 1936 issue of Plain Talk and is quoted from the Congressional Record of March 30, 1950. (p. 4462):

"The Japan Council of the IPR served the interests of aggression. A dispatch of December 7, 1945, by Frank Kelley, then in Tokyo as correspondent for the New York Herald Tribune, describes how in Japan the IPR was used as a front for imperialist purposes. Prince Fumimaro Konoye, who was Premier of Japan during much of the crucial period between the renewed war on China in 1937 and the attack upon Pearl Harbor 4 years later, took a deep interest in his country's IPR chapter. He put his personal trusted aides into the key posts in the Japanese IPR, which was supported largely with funds contributed by the very industrialists who helped the militarists plan and carry out wars of aggression throughout the Pacific area. It was Konoye who had ordered the preparation of a report explaining Japan's need for expansion because of population pressure. This report was read to the IPR international conference of 1936, which was held in Yosemite National Park, in California.

"The chief secretary of the Japan Council of the IPR, according to Mr. Kelley in the Herald Tribune, was Tomohiko Ushiba, Konoye's private secretary. Through Ushiba, Prince Konoye kept in touch with Edward C. Carter, then chief of the IPR's international secretariat, so that he could keep watch on American State Department policies. Far-Eastern experts, such as abound in the IPR, must surely have known that Prince Konoye was among the leading exponents of Japanese aggression for many years before Pearl Harbor. Yet there is no evidence that the Institute ever took any steps to prevent its use as a front for the dissemination of propaganda in the United States and for the gathering of inside political and military information about this country.

"Considering the semi-official status which the IPR has acquired in the policy-making branches of the Federal Government, the Congress owes it to the country to investigate the history of the organization, its obscure foreign links, its unduly complex administrative set-up, and its alliances with pro-Soviet and pro-Communist elements both at home and abroad.

"The intricate nature of the administrative set-up of the Institute makes it ideal for control by a few well placed persons. Small wonder then that many of its leading and most prolific writers are dependable fellow travelers who faithfully follow the tortuous path Stalin sets—even if they have to slow down around the sharp turns of Soviet policy.

"The Institute's activity seldom reaches any large section of the public directly, and few persons know that it exists. It is doubtful if 1 out of 1,000 of the parents of boys who fought their way across the Pacific, from Guadalcanal to Okinawa, has ever heard of this organization. Yet in Government circles, including those where America's high policy in the Pacific is determined, the influence of the Institute of Pacific Relations has been enormous and is apparently growing.

"During the recent war, the Institute supplied many agencies with experts on the Far East. Four IPR staff members worked for the China section of the UNRRA. Three others did research for MacArthur's headquarters on Japanese reconstruction. William L. Holland was the head of the OWI in China. Owen Lattimore was President Roosevelt's gift to Chiang Kai-shek for a time and President Truman's special adviser to MacArthur as well as Far Eastern head of OWI. The IPR supplied lesser lights to the OWI, OSS, and the State Department. Not all of these workers who joined Government agencies were Communists or fellow travelers. The IPR, however, frequently provided research specialists who were interested mainly in the furthering of Stalin's aims in the Far East.

"Many IPR trustees reached positions of considerable importance. In 1941, Lauchlin Currie was President Roosevelt's special emissary to China. William C. Johnstone worked on a special assignment for the State Department. George E. Taylor was director of the OWI's Far Eastern Section and later in the State Department's Office of International Information and Cultural Affairs. Benjamin Kizer, (former editor of Amerasia) a Spokane lawyer, headed the UNRRA in China.

"The Institute's aid to the Government was not limited to supplying experts of varying degrees, for the Government bought 750,000 IPR pamphlets for soldiers in the Pacific and Asiatic theatres. Schools, too, have been influenced by IPR publications, especially the series published jointly with the Webster Co. of St. Louis, designed for a 14-year-old reading level. In three and a half years this series sold over a million copies.

"Another way in which the IPR influences public opinion is through the newspapers and periodical press. As the IPR itself does not tire of saying, no one seems to know anything about the Far East. The harried editorial writer is immeasurably pleased, then, when he sees on his desk a neat publicity release and a copy of an article on some aspect of Chinese politics which he can now proceed to discuss.

"Like most associations into which the Communists and fellow travelers have moved, the IPR reveals certain inconsistencies and peculiarities of policy that can be explained only by the ideological affiliations of its most important figures.

"Operating more cleverly in IPR than in most groups they have entered, the Communists and their friends have been able to keep the reputation of this outfit pretty clean. But evidence of their work is easily noted when one takes the IPR material in bulk and breaks it down into two types—the controversial and noncontroversial. What has buffaloed most readers of IPR books, pamphlets, and periodicals is that so much of the stuff is of a very scholarly nature, not at all on subjects that arouse the emotions any more readily than do articles on Chinese pottery. Yet in the last decade or so at least two out of every three articles in IPR's two journals—Pacific Affairs, quarterly, and Far Eastern Survey, biweekly—on such hot subjects as Chinese politics, the Soviet Union, and the general political situation in the Far East, with respect to those two countries and the United States, have been written by such staunch defenders of Stalin as T. A. Bisson, Owen Lattimore, Harriet Moore, Laurence Salisbury, and others not too numerous to mention in due time.

"It may be claimed that by selecting excerpts and quoting out of context any writer can be shown to believe almost anything. This is frequently true. Yet the weight of the evidence that links the IPR to the Communist line is too great to pass off with such platitudes. The writings of the fellow travelers and outright Communists in IPR publications constitute only a small part of the total IPR material—but they constitute its most vital part, and they deal with the subjects that are most significant for American foreign policy, international relations, and public education." The key personnel of the American Council of the IPR who are represented as giving leadership to the entire organization, comprised what Louis F. Budenz exposed as a Communist cell. This cell constituted the backbone of Amerasia, which in reality was one of the subsidiary publications of the IPR. This cell, according to Budenz, included Frederick Vanderbilt Field who, he stated, was to his knowledge a "Soviet espionage agent", and Owen Lattimore, both members of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations. Lattimore, according to Budenz's testimony, was

" . . . commended (at a meeting of the American Politburo) by Frederick Vanderbilt Field and Earl Browder for the fact that he had been responsible for placing a number of Communist writers in the organs of the Institute of Pacific Relations of which he was then editor.

"In 1937 . . . at a meeting called by Earl Browder, it was brought forward that we were now under instructions not to name the Chinese Communists as Red Communists, but we were to begin to represent them, as Browder said, as 'North Dakota Non-Partisan Leaguers'.

"Field was present at that meeting and made a report, at which he commended Mr. Lattimore's zeal in seeing that Communists were placed as writers in 'Pacific Affairs'. Mr. Browder also referred to that, and it was agreed that Mr. Lattimore should be given general direction for organizing the writers representing the Chinese Communists as agrarian reformers . . .

" . . . at a regular meeting of the Politburo, at which Mr. Browder was present (in 1943) It was officially reported that Mr. Lattimore, through Mr. Field, had received word from the apparatus that there was to be a change of line on Chiang Kai-shek.

"It was decided that the line was to attack Chiang Kai-shek. As a matter of fact, an article was discussed to be put in one of the organs of the Institute of Pacific Relations— and it did so appear—by T.A. Bisson, declaring that Nationalist China was feudal China, and that Red China was democratic China."

Other subversives and fellow travellers identified with the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis and associated with Lattimore, Field, Carter, Bisson, all of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations, include:

  • Alger Hiss, now in jail (instead of executed) where he ought to be joined by his sponsors and accomplices, convicted of perjury in connection with treason; and a member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations.
  • Philip C. Jessup, who was chairman of the Pacific Council of the IPR in the years 1938-42, when the scheme was hatched for turning over China and Asia to the Soviets in accord with the purposes of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis; who as Senior Adviser to the Secretary of State and as Ambassador-at-Large has played a stellar role in carrying out the conspiracy; and who is a member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations.
  • Lauchlin Currie, who as assistant and adviser to President Roosevelt, played the important role that has been recounted, has been named by ex-Communist spy courier Elizabeth Bentley as one of her sources of important espionage data; and who is a member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations, and employed as "adviser" to the Republic of Colombia.
  • Philip Jaffe, Lattimore's fellow editor of Amerasia, who pleaded guilty to charges regarding secret records and was fined a mere $2500; uncle of the wife of one of China's top rank Communists, who was Lattimore's IPR confidential secretary; and himself labelled a Communist agent by Budenz.
  • Lt. Andrew Roth, a liaison officer at the State Department from Naval Intelligence, who was associated with Jaffe in the Amerasia case, but was never prosecuted therefor. Subsequently he was provided by the State Department with an American passport and went to Asia to engage in pro-Communist, anti-American propaganda.
  • John Stewart Service, pupil of Owen Lattimore, pro-Communist aid to General Stilwell, who in 1945 was ordered out by Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley; who on his return was arrested for complicity in the Amerasia affair anent secret documents together with Jaffe and Roth, but was never prosecuted therefor; who was subsequently assigned to a post of strategic value to the conspirators, State Department Foreign Service officer in India, merely to be recalled for a rehearing of his case, on the basis of charges made by Senator McCarthy, by the Loyalty Review Board in 1950, cleared by it once again, but relieved of his post in 1951 and finally ousted.
  • John Carter Vincent, State Department intimate of Dean Acheson, Lauchlin Currie and Owen Lattimore, who as head of the Interdepartmental Committee on Japan Policy, played his part in the conspiracy; who subsequently was appointed Ambassador to Switzerland but was relieved of his post in 1951 by Truman.
  • Laurence Duggan who was associated with Alger Hiss and Sumner Welles in the State Department and then became Director of the Rockefeller-subsidized propaganda agency, the Institute of International Education; who died, as have so many others associated in this conspiracy, in a highly suspicious plunge from the window of his sixteenth-floor office, after being questioned about his activities by the House Un-American Activities Committee; and who was a member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations.
  • Agnes Smedley, author, who was accused of being a Soviet spy by General MacArthur's intelligence officers, denied the charges, but on her recent death in 1950, left her entire fortune to the Communist Party.
  • Harry Dexter White, top adviser to Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau, who like Duggan, died mysteriously after being questioned by the House UnAmerican Activities Committee.

The report of the Rockefeller Foundation for 1936 makes it clear that the role of the Institute of Pacific Relations is to serve as ringleader and master conspirator in Far Eastern activities for the large group of organizations, schools, colleges, universities and other institutions subsidized by it for the avowed purpose of creating a "new ('internationalist') social order" and world-wide "managed economy" required, by the Marx-inspired "social sciences". It reports a Foundation grant of $30,000 for the purpose of setting up an AMERICAN CO-ORDINATING COMMITTEE, the function of which is to make the conspiracy and propaganda of the IPR a part and parcel of the activities of the balance of the agencies and lobbies maintained or supported by Rockefeller "philanthropy". The key agencies specified are the following:

  • Council on Foreign Relations
  • Social Science Research Council
  • Foreign Policy Association
  • American Council of Learned Societies
  • American Council on Intellectual Cooperation

These organizations all interlock membership and officers with the IPR and dominate the wide array of Rockefeller controlled, subsidized or influenced agencies that serve as "internationalist" fronts. Indeed it would be difficult to say which had the wider array of fronts, the Rockefellers or the Soviets. And the difficulty is further enhanced because so many of both have been Rockefeller subsidized and controlled. They all serve as IPR "transmission belts", and many overlap.

The Institute of Pacific Relations propagandists have responded to exposure of the subversive character of the organization by protests alleging that they have cleaned house, eliminated the acknowledged subversives and changed their officers. Thus on March 23, 1951, the IPR released to the press a story that was published in the New York Times of that date about the election of new trustees. These included Joseph E. Johnson, president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace; Sidney D. Gamble, president of the Princeton Yenching Foundation; and J.E. Wallace Sterling, president of Leland Stanford University. Joseph E. Johnson was Alger Hiss's assistant and "alter ego" in the State Department.

This statement was obviously issued with tongue in cheek. For all of them are Rockefeller puppets and members of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations where they are indoctrinated by Owen Lattimore, Frederick Vanderbilt Field, T. A. Bisson, William W. Lockwood and others of the Amerasia crew, who still preach the Rockefeller-Soviet-Axis program, and dominate the IPR and the entire web of Rockefeller propaganda agencies by remote control from the master agency, the Council. Furthermore two of them, Owen Lattimore, dignified with the post of Director of the Johns Hopkins School of International Relations, and William W. Lockwood, dignified with the post of Assistant Director of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs,—in which posts they have unique opportunities to implant their subversions and treachery in youngsters who are in training for State Department and Government posts,—are still members of the Board of Trustees of the IPR, as can be seen in the list of trustees published in the March 1950 issue of NEWS OF THE IPR. There is no public record of either one of these former editors of the pro-Soviet espionage and propaganda agency, Amerasia, and associates of self-confessed spies and traitors, ever having renounced their earlier associations and convictions. The moral of the story seems to be that if you are a good Rockefeller Red you need fear no harm; but eventually you will be made a top educator and be given opportunity to subvert rising generations, train them for Betrayal and lure them on to self destruction as victims of their own treason and mercenaries in Rockefeller Crusades.

[Grants to IPR, 1] from The Man Who Misrules the World by Emanuel Josephson
[Grants to IPR, 2] from The Man Who Misrules the World by Emanuel Josephson

It is quite fitting that General George Catlett Marshall, Secretary of Defense, should be a member of the Board of Trustees of the subversive Institute of Pacific Relations even though he has not made the grade of the Empire's top policy-making organization, the Council on Foreign Relations. For without the support of its bosses Marshall would never have obtained his promotion; and without his blind execution of their treacherous orders, they never could have fulfilled the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis's agreement to deliver China to the Soviets.

The story of Marshall's promotion is well told by Walter Trohan in the March, 1951, issue of the American Mercury magazine.

"After the war Pershing made Marshall his aide-de-camp while Pershing was Chief of Staff.

"Up to the early thirties Marshall's career was one of slow but steady progress . . . Pershing, a retired but influential old dog of war had promised to have him made a brigadier general. But here Marshall met his first failure.

"True to his promise, Pershing called upon Douglas MacArthur, then Chief of Staff, and asked that his protege be made a general. MacArthur was ready to oblige, but insisted that the promotion go through regular channels. Pershing agreed, confident Marshall could clear the hurdles. Friendly examination of the Marshall record showed what his superiors regarded as insufficient time with troops. MacArthur proposed to remedy this by giving him command of the Eighth Regiment at Fort Screven, Ga., one of the finest regiments in the Army.

"Marshall was moved up from lieutenant-colonel to colonel, but his way to a general's stars appeared to be blocked forever when the Inspector General reported that under one year of Marshall's command the Eighth Regiment had dropped from one of the best regiments in the Army to one of the worst. MacArthur regretfully informed Pershing that the report made promotion impossible.

To this day Marshall is uneasy in the presence of MacArthur.

"In 1936, after MacArthur had been succeeded by General Marlin Craig, Pershing tried again. But this time, knowing that the Army would never make Marshall a general, Pershing went directly to the White House. He persuaded Roosevelt to promote Marshall; and three years later when Roosevelt was looking for an agreeable Chief of Staff, he chose Marshall over twenty senior major generals and fourteen senior brigadiers.

"Marshall is, therefore, a 'political general'. Marshall served as a pliant tool of the conspirators in engineering the betrayal of our country into involvement in World War II without a declaration of war by Congress, and in the tragedy of Pearl Harbor. He has acknowledged that he deliberately withheld from the commanders at Pearl Harbor intelligence, that was available well in advance, of Japan's plans to attack it, and that he had ordered them to alert only for sabotage. In other words, Marshall has confessed to sabotage of the defenses of the nation in time of war. Men have been executed as traitors for lesser offenses and derelictions. Twenty-five hundred men and a fleet were sacrificed in the Pearl Harbor deal. The role played by the crew of the Institute of Pacific Relations in this has yet to be revealed in its entirety.

Strange indeed was the tale that Marshall told Congress of not knowing where he was on the eve of the attack on Pearl Harbor, at a time when he knew that the nation was in grave danger. But this defection obviously suited the purposes of the conspirators.

In 1943, it is reported, he was more anxious to arm Russia than to equip our own troops. At Teheran he agreed to the sell-out to the Communists of Poland and Czechoslovakia. He agreed to giving Russia control of the country to the west of Berlin and marooning American forces in that city in a strategically untenable position, with their supply lines running through territory held by the Communists. This act runs counter to all dictates of intelligence, aside from considerations of elementary military tactics. It virtually has placed American troops in a position where they can be held as hostages by the Communists, a situation that can be created as readily by the Russians as was the Berlin Blockade, whenever they are ready to cut loose. No paid Russian agent or avowed traitor could have rendered greater aid to the Soviet forces.

At Yalta Marshall collaborated with Alger Hiss in delivering Asia to the Communists after Japan was about ready to surrender. Despite the refusal of the Soviets to aid our forces in the Pacific, Marshall's anxiety to "cooperate with the Russians" was so intense that he approved of giving to Russia every strategic point, including Manchuria, Port Arthur, Darien, the Kurile Islands and southern Sakhalin. Following the close of the war, in December 1945, Marshall was sent to China by the agents of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis in the State Department with instructions drawn up by John Carter Vincent and Dean Acheson, to compel the Chinese Nationalists to yield to the Communists, whom they had on the run and were defeating badly. In spite of the warning of Col. Ivan D. Yeaton, who was assigned to the Communist headquarters at Yenan, that the Chinese Communists were collaborating with the Kremlin and controlled by it, Marshall forced upon the Nationalists a truce, under the threat of withholding American aid. He compelled Chiang Kai-shek to cut his forces down to fifty divisions.

To get around Congress's refusal to accept the program for arming the Chinese Communist Army by "lend lease", proposed by Dean Acheson, Marshall served as recruiting agent for the Red Army and ordered the transfer of Nationalist troops to the Communist forces so that they could be paid and fed with funds appropriated by Congress for the support of the Nationalist Army. He also promoted

"an agreement . . . under which American officers would be training and equipping rebel Chinese Communists units at the very time they were ambushing our marines and when Communists the world over were waging a war of nerves upon the United States . . ." (C.R. March 30, 1950, p. 4438).

Marshall dictated the prolongation of the Nationalist-Communist truce, that he had ordered, for a period of fourteen months, giving the Communists a chance to reorganize their Army with U.S. funds and supplies. Then Marshall compelled Chiang to allow a force of 500,000 Communists to move through the impregnable Kalgan Pass to approach Pekin; and repeated the treachery to permit the approach of the Communist Armies to Hankow.

In the meantime, the Soviet agents in the State and Commerce Departments withheld delivery of military supplies and equipment assigned to the Nationalists. The dumping of the Army surplus intended for the Nationalists into the Indian Ocean at the order of Lauchlin Currie, assistant to President Roosevelt, member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations and the IPR, and named by Elizabeth Bentley as a feeder of Communist spy channels, who is now carrying on in the Republic of Colombia (N.Y. Times, April 9, 1951) as an "adviser," has been mentioned. The supply to the Communists of essential war materiel has flowed continuously through such devices as "lend-lease", UNRRA, the Marshall Plan, the Atlantic Pact and the Point IV program. The situation parallels the arming of the Germans and the Japs prior to World War II, by the same principals.

As a reward for delivering China to the Communists, that has proved so costly and disastrous for the U.S., Marshall was promoted to the post of Secretary of State; for he served the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis well. His first official act was to appoint his masters' agent, who had previously directed his treacherous mission to China, Dean Acheson, his chief of staff with "complete authority to cleanse the Department", presumably of non-Communists.

Marshall sent General Albert C. Wedemeyer to China to report on the situation in 1947. Wedemeyer courageously reported the truth and urged blocking the advance of Communism in China. This report was not to the satisfaction of Marshall and the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis. It was suppressed and Wedemeyer shelved.

The so-called "Marshall" Plan was written by Rockefeller Reds, promoted and propagandized by Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations and its subsidiary agencies, and actively pushed in Congress by the Rockefellers personally. It was another tap on the U.S. Treasury and a device for looting the American people for the benefit of the Rockefeller Empire and its allies, on the pretense of aid to Europe, while at the same time leading the nation further on the road to bankruptcy and dictatorship. Marshall who was a mere pawn, as usual, knew little of its nature.

It is in connection with the Korean affair that Marshall has rendered the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis a most signal service that has brought the plottings and plannings of the Institute of Pacific Relations to its most advanced state of fruition. The conviction of Alger Hiss, attacks on Acheson and other pro-Communists in the government and insistent demands for the reopening of the Amerasia case and the consequences it involved, had created a very real "emergency" for the conspirators that threatened their entire program. Resentment also ran high throughout the country at the delivery of China to the Reds by the State Department. Elections were in the offing. It was imperative that, in the words of John Foster Dulles, the American public be kept "artificially alarmed", if the scheme to attain dictatorship through looting by taxation, bankruptcy, defeat and confusion of the nation was to succeed, —and at the same time the deals with the Kremlin carried out. Korea served the purpose. Marshall furthered the scheme by advising Truman to send troops to Korea.

To promote their plot, Marshall was appointed Secretary of Defense. A more incongruous appointment could not be conceived; but so completely is the public duped that it met with little public protest or indignation. Marshall's first act was to rush to regiment the nation, under the cover of this emergency deliberately created for the purpose, into a military dictatorship, in the pattern of the Hopley plan. Anna Rosenberg, Rockefeller employed and subsidized "labor relations counsellor" and agent, with a record of appointment to the NRA dictatorship plot by self-confessed Communist agent and CIO attorney, Lee Pressman, was appointed by Marshall to the great delight of all subversives and Communists, to head the new totalitarian drive. When her appointment came under attack Nelson Rockefeller offered to appear in person before the Senate committee considering the appointment, on behalf of his minion.

The Institute of Pacific Relations can boast with even more justification than can any of the units that comprise the vast spider-web of Rockefeller-Soviet intrigue, even the Council on Foreign Relations, that the present sad plight of our country is what it is, because "they planned it that way." For though the CFR planned and directed the intrigues and betrayals, the IPR executed them. It played a stellar role in making a success of Japan's rearmament and its attack on Pearl Harbor. At the cost of a quarter of million casualties and hundreds of billions of dollars to our country it insured to its masters control of Eurasia. And the fulfilment of Lenin's plans, they speeded up by infiltrating our Government and effected them through the agency of our State Department and the traitorous activities of their agents.

Wherever the Institute of Pacific Relations has turned its activities in the Orient it has stirred up unrest and subversion, and has paved the way for Soviet intrigue. In Mongolia, China, Philippines, Indonesia, Burma, India, Indo-China, Thailand, Pakistan, Tibet and Iran, the story has been monotonously the same. Owen Lattimore's Joint U.N.-IPR mission to Afghanistan likewise forebodes its betrayal to the Soviets as did his traffic with Tibet. The Institute paces the schedule of the Soviets in the Far East, adopted by the Asiatic Comminform of May 1949, which is as follows:

  • Conquer China, Hainan and Formosa.
  • Infiltrate and conquer Indochina and Burma.
  • Infiltration and riots in India, Pakistan and Philippines.
  • Infiltration and riots in Japan with the eventual purpose of taking Japan out of the American sphere, for which the way was being prepared by Dulles' peace parley with Japan and the suggested withdrawal of American troops, and by MacArthur's dismissal.
  • Win over Afghanistan. Owen Lattimore, who has expressed himself as being entirely in sympathy with the Soviet plans for Afghanistan was nevertheless recommended to the United Nations by the State Department for a joint mission with the IPR for working out the program of Rockefeller's Point IV program in Afghanistan. Apparently the plan, as usual, is to make Afghanistan a richer plum for the Soviets.
  • Infiltration and riots in Iran with the objective of taking it over with its oil. To facilitate this, pro-Soviet Ministers were to be appointed.

Due to its sponsors' control of our Government and State Department, the IPR has been completely successful in fulfilling their agreements and delivering over to the Soviets, China and much of Asia.

The Institute of Pacific Relations and its allied web of Rockefeller subsidized organizations are merely agencies of a vast conspiracy. The agencies could not have continued to exist and to carry on their work without the subsidy of the Rockefellers and their fake "philanthropies". In most cases they could not have come into existence without their financial support and cooperation. The Rockefellers cannot plead ignorance of the traitorous activities of these organizations that they have so lavishly supported. For it is spread all over the public records where anyone who has an iota of intelligence cannot fail to recognize it. Any plea of lack of control over the agencies which they established and financed is obviously sham. For there is nothing in their charter or in the law which bars them from stepping in and taking over control of them. The sham is further confirmed by the personal and active participation in those activities by the Rockefellers themselves and the record of their sympathy with the subversive causes in question.

It is equally a sham to pretend to investigate and expose these traitorous organizations and their agents but to omit any mention of the principals and the financiers who make possible their existence and activities with financial, political and moral support; to imprison or execute traitors and spies who were propagandized, groomed and trained for their treason in the schools, colleges and universities; and to permit to roam at large as honored citizens the arch-conspirators and masterminds who subverted the educational system of the land and of the world, and used as pawns, the deluded fools and venal traitors spawned thereby; or to pillory and occasionally imprison gamblers and fixers in so-called sports for the manipulation of fixes that involve only the money of those who voluntarily choose to gamble while holding in high honor the criminal master conspirators who gamble in an atrociously fixed game with the lives and fortunes of other people and jeopardize the very existence of the nation.

Unless these conspirators are rapidly and relentlessly exposed and apprehended and prosecuted to the full extent of the laws on treason, and their traitorous conspiracy scotched, this country is faced with extinction, and it and the world are doomed to untold centuries of serfdom.

[Officers and Trustess, IPR] from The Man Who Misrules the World by Emanuel Josephson