Rockefeller Internationalist - Emanuel Josephson

Rockefeller Philanthropy Objectives —
U.S. Monarchy and World Dictatorship

"The people yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding hands" — Rockefeller-Gates' Occasional Letter No. 1

As early as 1872, in the Southern Improvement Company scandal, public recognition of the ruthless greed involved in its affairs threatened to bankrupt and ruin the Standard Oil Co. and put an end to Rockefeller's aspiration for security through monopoly and dictatorship. Fortuitous circumstances saved Rockefeller and his company. But learning nothing from that experience, Rockefeller and his associates went right on with their schemes and continued recklessly to flaunt the force of public opinion, in a headlong career of ruthless rapacity.

Rockefeller made hosts of enemies who were alert to the powers of public opinion. They undertook to use it as a weapon in their battle with the Standard Oil pirates. They organized and synthesized into an effective force the "socially conscious", the radicals, the "liberals" and other vocal groups, together with the demagogues, the politicians, the clergy and the press, in order to carry their fight to the public and win its support. Some of this was nothing more than commercial blackmail.

As resentment against the Oil Trust grew, the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests were held up by the politicians through the device of "strike bills", and badgered by investigations and court actions. The muckrakers, church organizations and social-service groups exposed the ugly situation and further fanned public resentment. President Theodore Roosevelt, who had succeeded Rockefeller's handpicked ally, President McKinley, played to the gallery by attacking the Standard Oil Company while indirectly he demanded increased Standard Oil contributions to his campaign funds.

The situation reached its climax in 1907 with the decree handed down by Judge Kenesaw Landis against the Standard Oil Company, imposing a fine of twenty nine million dollars. Two weeks later the panic of 1907 was precipitated. In 1911 the dissolution of the Standard Oil Company was ordered by the Supreme Court.

Rockefeller fiercely resented what he regarded as government interference in his private business. He regarded its conduct as his own affair. It could hardly be expected that he would not fight back. He responded as keenly and as incisively to the virulent and well organized slander and persecution as he had to the other problems that had confronted him in his business. Two modes of approach to such a problem were habitual; first was to compromise with a powerful enemy and to join forces with him; the second was to maneuver in the meantime to master and destroy him.

The enemies who confronted Rockefeller and who were responsible for the situation were three—the Wall Street crowd whom he had bested, the welfare and "liberal" crowd and the government. His score with Wall Street he paid rapidly. Within two weeks after the handing down of the decree, there broke loose the 1907 panic. As a result of the panic, the Rockefeller interests managed to get control of numerous, diversified and allied enterprises, and to tighten their hold on national banking.

As early as 1887, his in-law, Dr. A.H. Strong, pointed out to Rockefeller that only by a conspicuous pose of philanthropy could he hope to win over and seduce public opinion. Nevins cites the correspondence of Strong to Rockefeller of February 22, 1887, from the Harper Papers as follows:

"Very many people do not understand you and they very unjustly accuse you . . Your present gifts, to education and to the churches, do not stem the tide of aspersion as would the establishment of an institution for the public good, so great that it has manifestly cost a large self-sacrifice to build it."

He went on to point out the success of George Peabody in living down a bad reputation acquired by the commercial ruthlessness that was usual in the period, and continued to point out:

"He changed in his later days; began to make benevolence, not moneymaking, his principal aim in life; immediately he got a name for charity and public spirit; now he is remembered for nothing else. You have the opportunity of turning the unfavorable judgments of the world at large into favorable judgments—and not only that—of going down to history as one of the world's greatest benefactors."

How little true spirit of charity there was in Rockefeller is demonstrated by the reply he made to a letter from his own mother, containing a plea for help from his cousin, cited by Nevins:

"I decided (I) would not comply with the request contained in it. I want to know surely, in giving, that I am putting the money where it will do the most good."

Avowedly, his was an ostentatious display of charity, carefully studied to do the most good for himself and to yield him the highest profit. There was none of that true spirit of charity which does not let the right hand know what the left does. It was his plan not to give unless others were made acutely aware of his giving through being forced to give, too, unless giving served to advertise him, unless it furthered his objective and yielded him a profit. It is the same spirit that has permeated all of the Rockefeller "philanthropies", even to the present generation. It is the same spirit that, bred in his grandchildren, impelled one to tell his mother "that he was training himself to be cold and calculating in order to prevent his personal feelings from influencing his judgment in financial affairs." (Saturday Evening Post, December 30, 1950)

John D.'s patriotism and his ruthlessness with the members of even his own family are illustrated by his relations with his brother Frank. Frank volunteered for service in the Civil War. John D. opposed the enlistment and bitterly refused to lend his brother seventy-five dollars for the purchase of equipment that he needed. When on his return from the war, Frank went into the oil business, John D. stripped him of the business. Frank's estimate of his brother John D. is as accurate a description of the clan as has ever been published. Removing the bodies of his children from the family cemetery plot in Cleveland, Frank said:

"No one of my family will ever rest on land controlled by that MONSTER, JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER."

Coping with public opinion was a more complex problem that required long-range planning, craftiness and cunning. The mob, whom he held in contempt, had not dealt kindly with Rockefeller. He had taken the brunt of the blows directed against the "Oil Trust", and had become the most hated man in the country. He could not walk the streets in safety. The ill will and hatred of the public also extended to the members of his family. It is not surprising, under these circumstances, that contempt of the people should ripen into hatred and should breed a desire for revenge. No subtler form of revenge on the mob could be conceived than to delude it into accomplishing its own subjugation and enslavement. No more cunning weapon could be conjured for accomplishing this revenge than fake "philanthropies". Rockefeller's "philanthropic" activities and their horrible consequences for mankind have been his slow but sure revenge.

Prominent in building up public antagonism against Rockefeller and the Standard Oil Co. had been "welfare" or "social service" organizations; the radical, Marxist and self-styled liberal elements; the church elements, especially the more "liberal" of them that were incorporated in the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America and allied organizations; and sections of the press. Acting on the principle—"If you can not lick your enemies, join 'em" —Rockefeller took them over, lock, stock and barrel.

Many of them, such as the social-service agencies of the type of the New York, and the National Tuberculosis and Health Associations, the Association for the Improvement of the Condition of the Poor and others that raised funds among the sucker public, emerged as extremely valuable ventures from every angle. The control of "social service" and of church organizations proved especially useful. For it served to muzzle and to check the censure of the sanctimonous and self-righteous elements in the community, and to cover all activities engaged in through such agencies with a cloak of respectability. And the most delicious irony of it, Rockefeller was wise and shrewd enough to discern, lay in the fact that by their goals, especially those of the radical and Marxist organizations, the unthinking mob was betraying itself into bondage and actually paying the cost thereof, and yielding a profit to those who engineered their betrayal. Sweet indeed were the uses of "benevolence" and "philanthropy"—and very, very profitable to some.

Rockefeller first became alerted to the uses of systematic and purposeful philanthropy, according to his biographer Nevins, in his youth, through reading Extracts from the Diary & Correspondence of the Late Amos Lawrence. The lesson he learned there on making philanthropy purposeful was well remembered.

The Rockefeller "philanthropies" were conceived for the dual purpose of taking the curse off the Rockefeller name and enabling the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests to carry on without interference from a hostile public or the government. One could hardly expect a man of Rockefeller's efficiency and financial ability to fail to expect to profit handsomely from the disarming advantages of a "philanthropic" front. That Rockefeller realized the profitable business possibilities of a "philanthropic" set-up is indicated by an interesting and revelatory story told of the inception of the plan to buy over public opinion and confound his detractors. It was conceived by Rev. Frederick Taylor Gates who had won John D's respect by his sharpness clothed with piety. Rockefeller had profited handsomely from deals engineered by Gates through religious activities as an executive officer of the American Baptist Education Society. Especially appreciated was his aid in gaining control, for a pittance, of the Mesabi mines, one of the richest iron deposits in the country. It netted many millions of dollars when later incorporated into the U.S. Steel Corporation. In John D.—A Portrait In Oil, John K. Winkler quotes Rockefeller Sr. as follows:

"'Fred Gates was a wonderful business man,' said John D. with satisfaction. 'His work for the American Baptist Education Society required him to travel extensively. Once, as he was going south, I asked him to look into an iron mill in which I had an interest. His report was a model of clarity!

"'Then I asked him to make some investigation of other property in the west. I had been told this particular company was rolling in wealth. Mr. Gates' report showed that I had been deceived.

"'Now I realized that I had met a commercial genius. I persuaded Mr. Gates to become a man of business.'"

Mayhap one can judge with reasonable correctness that if religion helped net Reverend Frederick T. Gates inordinately large profits in his dealings with his fellow men, the manipulation of millions certainly would not fail to do so. The "philanthropies" established with the cooperation of this "wonderful business man" could be expected to be highly profitable, directly or indirectly. They have been more profitable than investments of identical sums in even the Standard Oil Company.

The objective that lay at the back of Gates' and Rockefeller's minds at the inception of these "philanthropies" was clearly stated by Gates in the first publication of the General Education Board, the Occasional Paper No. 1, in 1904, as follows:

"In our dreams we have limitless resources and the people yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding hands. The present educational conventions fade from our minds, and unhampered by tradition, we work our own good will upon a grateful and responsive rural folk. We shall not try to make these people or any of their children into philosophers or men of learning, or of science. We have not to raise up from among them authors, editors, poets or men of letters. We shall not search for embryo great artists, painters, musicians, nor lawyers, doctors, preachers, politicians, statesmen of whom we have ample supply. The task we set before ourselves is very simple as ivell as a very beautiful one, to train these people as we find them to a perfectly ideal life just where they are. So we will organize our children into a community and teach them to do in a perfect way the things their fathers and mothers are doing in an imperfect way, in the homes, in the shop and on the farm."

For the past half century, however, the Rockefeller "philanthropies" have maintained the pretense that their purpose is exactly the reverse of that above stated. But that is characteristic of the strategies of the Rockefeller Empire, especially when dealing with the mob and its psychology. However, careful examination of the "philanthropic" activities will reveal that they are slowly but surely attaining the above stated goal.

The clear-cut statement of Rockefeller's purpose in his "philanthropies" has never been lost to sight by the Rockefellers or their agents. That purpose, from the very start, was, and still is, a "new social order," the establishment of a dictatorship in the United States. The objective is to convert our republic into a totalitarian state, into what Hilaire Belloc has named a "Servile State", a state of slaves. This Rockefeller proposed to attain by propaganda, "thought control", bribery, corruption and force. And it is to be ruled by him or his heirs. In other words. Rockefeller was the first of the modern crop of would-be world dictators with super-Napoleonic paranoia. His was the inspiration of the crop that has plagued the world in the past half century. And in most instances, the Rockefellers extended support to them. The Empire which he founded, the Rockefeller Empire, is the first in all history that has approached his goal.

A more detailed statement of this purpose was made by John D. Jr.'s intimate friend, adviser on sociology and fellow member of the Union Club, Hoffman Nickerson. It was published in book form in 1930, by Doubleday Doran & Co., of which Theodore Roosevelt Jr. was president, under the title, THE AMERICAN RICH. This volume was the blueprint of the New Deal. In it, Nickerson, who fancies himself a superior specimen of the human animal ordained to rule by "divine right", and who speaks of all other Americans, whom he fancies as being of lesser clay, as "peasants", anticipated Hitler's regime and advocated a similar form of government for the United States. He suggested the ultimate goal of the New Deal as abolition of universal franchise; restriction of the vote to wealthy property owners; elimination of education because of the spirit of inquiry which it fosters, so that there may be restored the medieval mind and its submissiveness; and he urged the adoption in the United States, when the people shall have been forced into line, first of an elective but absolute monarchy and later of an hereditary monarchy.

This plan was advocated by implication and endorsed by another Rockefeller spokesman, Professor Philip E. Mosely, whose salary as Professor of International Relations is paid by the Rockefellers through funds granted by their Foundation to Columbia University for its Russian Institute. Professor Mosely is Assistant Director in Social Sciences of Rockefeller Foundation, and a member of Rockefeller's Council on Foreign Relations and Foreign Policy Association, which, as will be related presently, are top agency or "cabinet" and subsidiary, respectively, in the chain of Rockefeller-financed "internationalist" propaganda agencies. In a Headline Series pamphlet which Mosely wrote for distribution by the Foreign Policy Association as part of its propaganda and lobby barrage, he said:

"Over the long run, great numbers of people will judge both the Soviet and American systems, not by how much individual freedom they preserve, but by how much they contribute, in freedom or without it, to develop a better livelihood and a greater feeling of social fulfillment."

So clearly stated are the totalitarian and subversive objectives of the Rockefeller "philanthropies" and so well have they been recognized, that Congress refused repeatedly to grant a charter to the Foundation. When directly after the Supreme Court decision in 1911, ordering the dissolution of the Standard Oil Company, Rockefeller sought of Congress a charter for the Rockefeller Foundation "to promote the well-being of mankind", Congress twice refused a charter to hold one hundred million dollars, on the grounds that it was a device for evasion of payment of taxes, that it was primarily intended for propaganda for seduction of public opinion and influencing politics, and that it would be a menace to the nation. The Foundation succeeded in securing from New York State in 1913 a charter to hold five hundred million dollars. Subsequently, Senator Chamberlain of Oregon, in 1917, on the floor of the U.S. Senate, sounded a warning to our country on the menace of the Rockefeller "philanthropies". He stated:

"The Carnegie-Rockefeller influence is bad. In two generations they can change the minds of the people to make them conform to the cult of Rockefeller or to the cult of Carnegie, rather than to the fundamental principles of American democracy."

Unfortunately this prediction already is fulfilled.

Senator Robert F. Wagner, planted in the New York State Senate as a pawn of the Rockefeller interests, introduced and steered through that legislature a bill chartering the Rockefeller Foundation with a capitalization of $500,000,000 and unlimited scope. It may be significant that Senator Wagner's reputed forebear was Professor Adolph Wagner, who guided Prince Otto von Bismarck in setting up in Germany a "New Deal" and "welfare" state as a foundation for a German dictatorship and Empire, and for the eventual conquest of "Deutschland uber Alles". The pattern of the program which the Rockefeller interests had undertaken was a power pattern as old as human history, that already had become familiar to the modern age by the activities of Prince Otto von Bismarck. Prince Otto von Bismarck, Teutonic Knight who was bound by the Order's thousand-year-old oath to conquer the world, launched the "welfare" and "social service" program that now parades as the New Deal. Subsequently, he became the foster-father of Marxism and Communism. His objective in doing these things was world conquest, "Deutschland uber Alles". No one who knew the Iron Chancellor could be deceived for one moment into the belief that he had the remotest interest in the welfare of the weak or downtrodden. His mottoes were "Blood and Steel" and "Might Makes Right".

His program was a recrudescence of one which was old when it was introduced by the Gracchi in ancient Rome and which eventually destroyed the Empire. It furthered Bismarck's quest for personal power in several ways. First, it robbed the Socialists of the planks of their platform which made the greatest appeal to the mob—Social Security, Unemployment Insurance, Workmen's Compensation, Health Insurance, and all the other quasi-benevolent and paternalistic clap-trap. Bismarck shrewdly saw in these plans, devices fashioned to destroy liberty and to chain the workingclass to his program and to any jobs to which they might be assigned. He saw in that program a snare which would deceive them into accepting submarginal wages and the surrender of adequate present existence in return for a mirage of future security. As a means of winning the favor of the workers and of gaining some measure of power over industry and entree to its records, a part of the cost was levied on the employers. This made of what conceivably might have been a boon to the worker a penalty on industry for offering employment; and meant a tax on industry which materially increased the cost of production. Both factors ultimately operated to increase unemployment.

Second, Bismarck foresaw that with the working class tied to him by this program, he could force into line the German industrialists, the nobility, and finally the reluctant Prussian king, to support his plan of a united German Empire. Junker Bismarck, who had contemptuously spurned any traffic with the workingclasses, whom he called a "revolutionary rabble," had grown tired of being buffeted about and shelved by his liege lord, the weakling King of Prussia. Adversity had served to make of him a diplomat who could advance from one compromise to another, from one treachery to another, to attain by a series of adroit maneuvers his ultimate goal—the consolidation of his own power by forcing his king to accept the position of Emperor of Germany. How well he planned, history reveals. With the Danish invasion, the elimination of Austrian interference in 1866, and the consolidation of his position by a treacherously conceived conquest of France in 1870, the German Empire became not only a reality, but also simultaneously a "first class power."

But for Bismarck, this was merely a beginning. With far greater vision, he planned the political and commercial conquest of the world—"Deutschland uber Alles." He placed on Germany the stamp of a national paranoia which still drives it with mad singleness of purpose and signal "success." The World Wars were mere interludes, which scholars tell us Bismarck foresaw and would have avoided.

The conquest of world markets by German industry and commerce was planned by Bismarck. In such a struggle the burden of taxation and cost involved in the "welfare" program might have proved a severe handicap. Obviously it was necessary to overcome it by forcing the adoption of the same program and handicap on competitor nations. Resort was had for this purpose to subjugation by ideas, propaganda and "boring from within."

There was launched one of the most persistent, persevering and skilled propaganda campaigns in the world's history for the imposition of Bismarck's "New Deal" on the entire world. Now more than half a century later it still continues to sway history and the world.

In this "New Deal" propaganda Bismarck found many allies. The pretended humanitarianism of the program won over many unthinking, kindly persons as well as most religious sects. These are the best possible camouflage and front for any propaganda. Throughout the world these deluded groups still ardently advance Bismarck's destructive propaganda.

Allies of unusual value were the labor movement, Karl Marx and the Communist Internationale. Initially Bismarck had regarded them as the archenemies of his plan. He had called upon Marx's antagonist, Lasalle, for advice in his fight on them. On his counsel, he plucked the "New Deal" from the program which they agitated, with the objective of deflating them.

But Bismarck soon came to recognize what is just beginning to dawn on present day deluded Socialists and Communists. He realized that Karl Marx and his revolutionary Socialism or Communism were shams. He saw that they offered no real menace among dull, plodding, intense, unimaginative, docile and disciplined workers. He discovered that Karl Marx was an intense German nationalist who gloried in the "superiority" of the German worker and who sensed that his program offered no threat to his Vaterland. Marxian Socialism was therefore the ideal propaganda weapon with which to demoralize other lands.

Karl Marx was the son of Henrich Marx, whose correct name before it was "Aryanized" was Hirschel Levy, (Karl Marx—Man & Fighter, by Nicolaievsky & Maenchen-Helfen) the son of Rabbi Marx Levy of Trier. His mother was a Polish Jewess, derived from a family of rabbis, including Rabbis Meir Katzencllenbogen of Padua, Joseph Ben Gerson ha-Cohen and Joshua Herschel Lvov. His elder brother, Karl's uncle, was also a rabbi.

In order to retain his post as counsellor in the Trier court, when the Rhineland was taken over by Germany, Heinrich Marx (ne Herschel Levy) was baptized in 1817, one year before Karl was born. He retained his court job and advanced to the position of Justizrat and a leader of the Moderate Constitutional party in Trier. Karl's Hungarian Jewish mother, Henrietta, did not become baptized until after the death of her parents in 1825. Karl and his brothers and sisters were baptized in the National Evangelical Church (Protestant) on August 24, 1824, when Karl was a little over six years old.

Karl Marx suffered from an acute inferiority complex regarding his Jewish origin. He never could bring himself to realize that those about him regarded him with questioning, if not contempt, because he pretended to be something he was not. He held the Jews responsible for his state. His paranoia and inferiority complex were compensated by an intense hatred of the Jews. This found expression in the first works he wrote for publication. In the Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbuch of 1844 he wrote in a review entitled "Zur Judenfrage" ("On the Jewish Question") the following:

"What is the basis of Judaism? Selfishness and greed.

"What is their faith? Swindling.

"Who is their God? Money.

"There can be no solution of the problems of the world without the destruction of the Jews and their religion, (Judenthum)."

In 1875 he wrote: "The Hebrew faith is repellent to me". Thus Karl Marx, the renegade Jew, became one of the fathers of Nazism, acknowledged by Hitler and his crew.

At college, as a phase of compensation for his paranoid inferiority complex, Marx paraded as a Christian and undertook an intensive study of Canonical, or Church, Law. Thus he wrote to his father from Berlin on November 10, 1837:

"I confined myself to positive studies . . . some of Gauterbach's books . . . especially on ecclesiastical law."

In the Canonical Law he found sections which interpret profits in commercial transactions as usury and a cardinal sin. That meant that the Church Law demanded "production for use and not for profit".

This left open only three legitimate vocations: one was to join the Church orders; the second was to labor; and the third was to assume the role of the baron who preyed on the laborers on the pretense of protecting them, as do the modern labor barons and their gangster henchmen, and to live by physical force or violence. This was Medievalism. The Church later abandoned this doctrine except within its own orders, because it was found unsound and dangerous. It was largely responsible for the breakdown of civilization, law and order in the Middle Ages, and for the enslavement of mankind. It threw Europe into a reign of terror that lasted more than a thousand years.

But Karl Marx was not merely anti-Jewish; he was anti-religious and especially anti-Catholic. He wrote that he classed Christianity as a Jewish religion. In this respect his ideas coincided with those of Bismarck, whose anti-Catholic activities have been recalled by the Pope recently as the origin of Nazi activities in Poland. Marx attacked religion as an opiate for the masses. But he stole the doctrine, "to produce for profit is a cardinal sin", which the Church abandoned because it was proved false, and made it the basis of his new religion, Marxism or Communazism.

Marx's hatred, like that of his followers, the Nazis, extended to all non-Germanic peoples, even those that supported his movement. He disparaged the Negro and held the Russian revolutionaries in contempt.

Labor, Marx hated whole-heartedly, and he despised the individual worker. When he married he sought out a noblewoman, Jennie von Westphalen. When one of his daughters wished to marry a worker, he forbade it and ordered her to marry a Negro bourgeois capitalist. Karl came from an affluent bourgeois family and never did a day of labor in his life. The loss of the fortune which his father left him, as a result of his incompetence, bred in him a paranoiac hatred of all who possessed property, the "Capitalists", because he regarded them as responsible for the loss of his fortune. This aligned him as a bitter supporter of the "have nots", not because he loved Labor but because he hated "the Capitalist" more.

His neurotic, paranoid character and overwhelming sense of inferiority gave rise in Marx to a compensatory delusion of superiority that insisted upon autocratic and absolute dominion, and to violent suspicions that were the origin of the "purge" complex that characterizes all his followers. Karl's sisters related that even as a boy, he was a fearful tyrant. He drove girls downhill at full gallop and compelled them to eat the cakes he made with his dirty hands out of filthy mud. His schoolmates feared him because of the satirical verses and lampoons he hurled at his enemies.

Utterly lacking in originality or capacity for lucid thinking, Marx showed faith in his concept of distribution of wealth only by plagiarizing the fallacious ideas of others. Foremost among the fallacies which he borrowed was the so-called "Law of Supply and Demand." By its converse form—"it is primarily scarcity that gives value"—he undertook to justify ethically its application to human beings and their labor. That became the basic idea underlying labor unionism.

But unionism is only a half-way measure in carrying out the idea of maintaining a scarcity of human beings and their labor. The full and bold program for creating a shortage of human beings is concentration camps, wholesale murder. Hitler alone carried out Karl Marx's precepts completely and to their logical conclusion. In this, as in applying his anti-Semitism, Hitler was Marx's most faithful disciple. In faithfully following in Hitler's footsteps, Stalin and his Communist cohorts are carrying out Marx's precepts.

Quite as fallacious was Marx's reasoning in justifying his German patriotism. As a defense against the Prussian attitude that Jews were aliens, Karl Marx developed an intense German nationalism. Among the first words that he wrote were:

"The emancipation of the German is the emancipation of Man".

His sham pacifism and internationalism vanished with the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian War, and were replaced by martial enthusiasm and anxiety for a German victory. Expert at self-deception by dialectics, he justified his attitude in a letter to Engels, as follows:

"The German workingclass is superior to the French from the viewpoint of organization and theory."

In a victory of Germany he pretended to discern a victory of the German workingclass, and most important, of his theories. Dialectics alone can match these views or his advocacy of class hatreds and warfare, which in final analysis is the worst form of civil war, with his pretended internationalism and a quest for the common welfare.

But even more obvious is Marx's deception in offering his Communist program as an improvement on human freedom. For Communism necessarily means total loss of freedom, virtual or actual slavery. Under Communism, the government and the people who control it, own everything and everyone. They dictate all conditions of life, including wages and employment. Without freedom to earn a living, all other freedoms are meaningless.

Foremost among the fallacies which he adopted were misconceptions regarding the interaction of supply and demand, expressed in the "Law of Supply and Demand", as contrasted with speculative manipulation. Fallaciously he treated supply and demand as inexorable forces, but sought to circumvent their interaction by a "managed economy".

The remedies that he proposes are fundamentally to frustrate the instinctive possessiveness of man by abolishing private ownership of property, through the devices of progressively heavier income and inheritance taxes, control of banks and credit with eventual nationalization of all industry; and enslavement of mankind by a process of progressive regimentation that begins with labor unionization, progresses to compulsory military training and compulsory labor and ends in serfdom and complete subjugation by dictatorship.

The basic fallacy of Marxian doctrines is of vast significance. For it ultimately justifies all measures which restrict and reduce population, such as war, exile, purges and birth control. It justifies barring fellow men from employment, and the opportunity to earn a livelihood, even when those fellow men happen to be unionists' own children. It justifies all the barbarisms which characterize present day society. The perfect expression of this phase of Marxism was Nazi Germany. Hitler alone carried the Marxian idea to its logical conclusion.

The antisocial character of Marx stamps the entire propaganda and doctrines that bear his name. It is indeed ironic that they should take the name "Socialism." For no doctrine is more antisocial or more destructive to the organization of society.

Bismarck came to regard Karl Marx as an important ally in his Pan-Germanic propaganda. He realized that Marxian Socialism planted in other lands would disrupt and demoralize them and would hasten the conquest of "Deutschland uber Alles." Bismarck eventually invited Marx to return from exile and offered him the editorship of his own paper. Marxian propaganda tracts printed in many languages became some of Germany's principal exports.

Only a dialectician trained to reason away the obvious and the truth can fail to realize that state ownership of the machinery of production implies irresponsible ownership and neglect. For what belongs to everyone belongs to no one, and is neglected by everyone for a reason that is axiomatic and becomes evident from a psychologic experiment on rats.

Three rats were placed in a cage provided with three levers which released food to them from an overhead trap. The rats rapidly learned to press on the levers and catch the food. More complex conditions were then introduced into this rat society. The levers were placed on the opposite side of the cage distant from the traps that released the food. Only one of the rats had sufficient intelligence to associate pressure on the lever with the distant release of food, and had initiative and energy to do it. But this was of little avail to him. For the stupid and slothful rats learned to grab the food released by their ambitious colleague. Though he worked unremittingly he seldom managed to get the food which he released, and died of starvation.

Most humans are like the stupid, slothful rats. For that reason Socialism, Communism and state ownership of the machinery of production are doomed to failure. Eventually they degenerate into a dictatorship of the most forceful and most ruthless member of the community; for in final analysis the rule of the abstraction, the State, is the rule of an individual. The more absolute the power of the State, the more autocratic is the rule of that individual. Thus the Communist or Socialist State is inevitably a dictatorship; its dictator is owner of everything and everybody he surveys—he is a perfect feudal lord. Such overcentralization of power naturally implies the end of efficiency and initiative and the disruption or destruction of industry, commerce and social organization.

Communism and Socialism seek to dissemble and hide their true character and purpose. Bismarck's "New Deal", Fascism and Nazism are more frank and realistic in seeking the same goal. But in their ultimate expression they all turn put to be identical forms of feudalism. They imply dictatorship based on class hatred, established by propaganda and intrigue, and maintained by force and by violence. They are aptly designated as Bismarxian or Communazi programs. For one who understands their identity there is no surprise in current European events.

The Communist Internationales became important agencies of propaganda of Bismarck's program. This is illustrated by the fact that through them Communism was planted in Russia during World War I with the aid of the German General Staff and of German funds. This is reported by Colonel Nikitine, organizer of Russian counterespionage, in his book The Fatal Years. Recent events have made it startling clear that Germany maintained her grip on the Communist movement throughout the following decades. The unity of purpose of Bismarck's propaganda and that of Communist Russia has been fully confirmed by every phase of Soviet policy.

The Labor movement has been a part of the Bismarxian and the Communazi propagandas from their very beginning. It still continues to serve the purposes of Bismarck as a most efficient agency for paralysis of industry and commerce and for fomenting misery and unrest. It owes its efficiency to several features in a democratic land. It is a mob that commands a large vote, which compels the attention and compliance of the Government. By demanding an ever larger share of what it aids in producing, it can bankrupt and destroy commerce and industry. It simultaneously increases unemployment and the burden on the national treasury. Eventually it leads to destruction of the nation.

It masks, under the camouflage of "class war," acceptance of the basic fallacy underlying Karl Marx's doctrines—man must be scarce to have value. Labor is not only destroying itself by its greed and ruthlessness, but is also destroying its children. It is notable that it is Labor that has barred a refuge in this country for the victims of persecution abroad without a dissenting voice from its ranks. For it recognizes the same motives that prompt the Communazis as its basic doctrine.

Led usually by gangsters, thugs and racketeers, and allied with equally unscrupulous groups, organized labor has seized control of the governments of nations and converted them to base and destructive uses. In so doing it prepares the way for the conquest of Bismarck's successors. Whatever justification labor unions may have had and whatever sympathy they may have deserved they have forfeited by their criminal purposes and actions. Theirs is not the way to salvation of the cause. It is the path to destruction.

Propagandists and pseudo-liberals in the guise of "authorities" and college professors have been ever at hand to instigate and justify the subversive activities of Labor. On the payroll of unions, prostituted to their dictates, with lectures censored by the union "leaders," they act as show-fronts for their racketeers and are accomplices of their gangsters. They reflect the thoroughness of Bismarck's organization of his propaganda.

Germany's entire education system, as well as her diplomatic corps, was made part and parcel of the Bismarxian propaganda system. Subsidized learning and scientific achievement were widely advertised and publicized and lent color to claims of German intellectual superiority. Trading on this reputation, Germany was able to palm off on the world, pseudo-sciences, such as sociology, social service and modern economics, which are nothing more than very thinly disguised false propaganda.

A system of recognition, adulation and decoration of foreign educators and scientists fostered their teaching doctrines that served the purposes of the Bismarxian propaganda. Germany thus made the education system of other lands a part and parcel of her propaganda machine. The Communist propaganda machine which has recently been exposed as dominating our entire school and university system, is but a subsidiary of the machine which Bismarck built and Rockefeller financed and fostered.

Bismarck's foreign "New Deal" propaganda came out into the open in 1890, when Kaiser Wilhelm II, for personal and strategic reasons (which included a survival of the resentment which his grandfather had held against Bismarck for forcing him into the undesired role of Emperor of Germany), resolved to drop the "Pilot," Bismarck. To strengthen his position he first sought to win over the German Socialist and Labor elements. In so doing, he let the cat out of the bag with regard to the stimulation of Socialist and labor propaganda in other lands, when he called an International Congress on Labor Legislation to consider the plight of the German workers. When an individual so jealous of his prerogatives and so contemptuous of menials appeared so anxious to share the consideration of the internal difliiculties of his Empire with others, there was obviously something evil afoot.

It was the spirit of Bismarck that clumsily led Germany. The status of Nazi Germany was a direct, logical and inevitable consequence of the concepts of Marxian Socialism and of the "welfare" program, the "New Deal" devised by Bismarck. Its development was guided by Hitler's "Brain", Professor Haushofer and his Geopolitical Institute. The class hatred of Marx was converted to another equally absurd hatred—the Aryan. Marxian internationalism translates itself rationally into Aryan internationalism The war on capitalism logically assumes the form of raping other lands; for the Marxian definition of "capital", in final analysis, is "the other fellow's property." Restriction of the supply of labor to control its wage is served by eliminating minorities. The philosophies of Marxism and Nazism are obviously identical. Nazism is merely the active tense of Marxism.

Marxism is, in essence, a power pattern. It is a device for conquest of lands from within, by gangsterism and crime. It operates by robbing the people of their wealth, through taxation, under the pretense of "distributing wealth". It forces the people to surrender their freedom to the criminal Socialist, Nazi, Fascist, New Deal, Fair Deal or Communist rulers. It is a device for the looting of peoples by the most ruthless and most violent elements, aided and abetted by the unthinking, the gullible and the stupid. It means rule by brute force and violence.

The first of the formidable competitors of Germany that succumbed to the propagandized Bismarxian program was England. A few years before World War I, Great Britain was forced by the agitation among her workingclasses to swallow the whole bait—hook, line and sinker. German industrialists openly urged upon Parliament the adoption of the program. England thereby set in operation forces which are accomplishing the fall of the British Empire. Premier Ramsay MacDonald in an address before Parliament in 1929, frankly blamed the welfare, dole and health insurance laws for the insoluble economic problem presented in England by the unemployment situation.

From the point of view of American affairs, even greater significance was lent the situation when the wholly alien ideas were given an aura of respectability in the eyes of American tories. This was accentuated by the fact that British industry was now in the same position, with respect to the cost of the "welfare" program, in its competition for world markets. It became of interest also to British industry that the United States should adopt an identical handicapping program.

The earliest published record of the launching of the Bismarxian propaganda in the United States is found in the report of the German subsidized International Association For Labor Legislation (reported in the American Labor Legislation Review, V.4, 1914):

"Work towards the formation of an American Section was initiated in 1902, when the Board of the International Association began to make its objects known in the United States and to form connections with interested individuals."

Among the original founders of the Association were Richard T. Ely, Edward T. Devine, Mary K. Simkhovitch, R. O. Lovejoy, Mary van Kleeck, and John B. Andrews. Later joiners were John A. Kingsbury, Charles C. Burlingham, William Hodson, Ida M. Tarbell, Homer Folks, Frances Perkins, Leon Henderson, Harry L. Hopkins and Eleanor Roosevelt.

They numbered among them the leaders of the U.S. Communist Party, which was organized by them shortly thereafter, about 1908.

Numerous organizations were launched to further this Bismarxian propaganda. Prominent among them was the American Association for Social Security, as it is now called, and the American Association for Labor Legislation.

The engineering of this program of propaganda, as has been related, brought into play all the usual devices of the craft. All its phases were touted as "liberal" by converted or subsidized writers, lecturers, labor agitators, professional malcontents and university professors. Particular attention was given to the seduction of the younger generation in schools, colleges and universities. Magazines and periodicals were subsidized, or founded, to agitate for these "liberal" measures. The foreign-language press was perverted early to the uses of the propagandists, and was corrupted cheaply.

Capitalizing on human nature and the desire to conform, "polls" of "popular sentiment" have been developed into superlative tools for propaganda and influencing public opinion. Hero worship of leaders, so essential for a dictatorship, has been fed by sickening adulation of them by fellow-travelling or prostituted columnists. Book clubs have been organized to control what is published and read by the nation. Finally, vested interests in the form of highly paid positions were created for the leaders of the various movements that were gotten under way by the propagandists.

In due time the propaganda began to assume the form of an indigenous movement and its foreign origin was completely masked and forgotten. So widely and insistently were the Bismarxian ideas touted as "liberal" that in due time anyone who realized their specious character was placed in the light of an extreme conservative or "reactionary."

Social-service agencies and foundations proved to be most effective in raising this alien propaganda above all suspicion. They also enabled placing the burden of financing the propaganda on the very people who were to be seduced. This was done by collecting funds and endowments ostensibly for charitable and other purposes. Organized social service joined hands with the Socialist and labor elements to form the self-styled "liberal" group.

Foremost among the social-service agencies which supplied propaganda funds in the early days were the Russell Sage Foundation and the "Charity Trust." The latter group, at the beginning, assumed leadership until misuse of charitable funds was exposed by Senator Thompson's investigation in 1914-1916. The most influential of the social-service agencies which became agents of the propagandists was the New York City group designated the "Charity Trust." Its activities came into such disrepute that in 1914 an investigation of them was demanded of the New York State Legislature and was made by the Thompson Committee appointed by it. Hearings before the Committee revealed how the moneys collected by those agencies for supposedly charitable purposes were converted to personal use and to commercial and political propaganda.

The objectives of Bismarck and Marx, a "new social order", totalitarian in character, became the purpose of Rockefeller's "philanthropies", for which all of these agencies were taken under his wing.