Rockefeller Internationalist - Emanuel Josephson

The Supreme Rockefeller Crusade —
World War II

" . . . We work our own good will . . . "
— G.E.B. Occasional Letter No. 1 Rockefeller & Cates

The most extensive and devastating of the Rockefeller Crusades, and one that has been most profitable to them, was World War II. With it, they "killed many birds with one shot". For it won for them their Oil War in many sections of the world and set them on the road to victory in others.

World War I, as has been related, did not solve for the Rockefeller Empire the problem of control of the Turkish, Arabian and Iranian oil reserves, because of the effective opposition and rivalry of the British Empire. In the meantime, the Japanese Empire threatened with destruction the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests in the Far East. And Germany menaced with a process for synthesizing oil; but this was of minor significance, because the Rockefeller interests controlled Germany and more particularly the German Dye Trust, I.G. Farben-industrie, that developed this process. Russia had been taken care of by the deals described in the chapter on the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis.

The pressing problems were elimination of the British Empire as a rival, which, it was now realized, could be effected only by its dismemberment and destruction, and the subduing and conquest of Japan. These were the top problems on the agenda of the Rockefeller Empire in the period between the formation of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis and the success in precipitating World War II to accomplish both those purposes. The cunning with which these two widely separated ventures were woven into the pattern of a single "Crusade" is unmatched in all cognate history. And the role played by the U.S. State Department in these conspiracies of the Rockefeller Empire portrays how fully the former has become the tool of the Rockefeller interests.

Mosul, one of the causes of the British-German conflict that led to World War I, together with other sections of Turkey, Arabia and the Near and Middle East, continued to be a major source of conflict between England and the Continental powers on the one hand, and between England and the Rockefeller Empire on the other. To seize those fields, the British launched their campaign at Gallipoli in World War I, and lost. In exchange for French help in the Near East, Britain offered Syria and a quarter interest in the Turkish Petroleum Co. That was the same interest that had been given the Germans in 1912 in exchange for their claim based on the concession for the Anatolian Railway and the right to drill the Bagdad-Mosul oilfields which Sultan Abdul Hamid had given them in 1904. This deal was confirmed in the San Remo agreement between Britain and France in April 1920, which stipulated that the Rockefeller Standard Oil interests were to be excluded.

President Woodrow Wilson, personally, Secretary of State Colby and U.S. Ambassador in London, John W. Davis, vigorously protested the exclusion of American interests from the Mosul field, echoing the protest of Walter C. Teagle, president of the Standard Oil Co. of N.J., published in the New York Times of November 18, 1920. Senator Kellogg and the other members of Congress openly threatened war on England and other reprisals.

Characteristically, the British proceeded despite the San Remo Agreement, to eliminate the French from the situation by stirring up a Turkish invasion of Syria, by inspiring Emir Feisal to proclaim himself King of Syria and stir up a revolt in Lebanon. France retaliated by signing a treaty with Turkey in October 1921, acknowledging that Mosul belonged to the Turks, thus nullifying the San Remo Agreement. Britain countered by claiming Mosul for Iraq and making Emir Feisal King of Iraq.

In December 1921, the British made a deal through Sir John Cadman, signer of the San Remo Agreement, with Standard Oil for a fifty-fifty division of the Mesopotamia and Palestine oilfields and a quarter interest for Standard in the Turkish Petroleum Co. (the French share) in exchange for a similar deal on the North Persia fields for which the Rockefeller interests had been given a concession by the Persian cabinet earlier in the year. This prepared the way for withdrawal of Standard Oil opposition that had been exerted through the State Department to the granting by the League of Nations of mandates over Palestine and other regions to the British.

Following this deal in favor of the Rockefeller interests, the State Department lost its zeal in its protests for an Open Door in the Near East in spite of the fact that another American group, led by Admiral Chester, had a valid claim to the concession, thus belying the declaration of Secretary of State Hughes that he stood "for American rights generally and not for any particular interest".

In the meanwhile, the British and French sought to fight out their claims through a war between the Greeks, supported behind the scenes by the former, and the Turks, supported secretly by the latter. The British and their Greek mercenaries lost. But when shortly thereafter, the French wanted to take over the Ruhr and its industries, and required British support, a deal was made by them to stand together against the Turks at the Lausanne Conference, in reseizing the German Turkish concession for the Turkish Petroleum Co. But the Ruhr occupation was sabotaged. The French blamed the British and refused to support them against the Turks. The Turks then defied the British and refused to sign the treaty.

The Turks thereupon gave Admiral Chester a 99-year exclusive railway, mineral and oil concession. The State Department refused to give Admiral Chester effective support in carrying out the deal, and the Rockefeller interests blocked the financing of his Ottoman-American Development Co. which he had organized for that purpose. This deal was effective, however, in enabling the Turks to abolish the extra-territorial rights of foreign powers and to retain the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus. The British made a deal with the Rockefeller and French interests to share the Mosul oilfields and acquired final title to the fields by way of the second Lausanne Conference, in 1923, and of the award by the League of Nations Council in 1925 of Mosul to Iraq, under British mandate.

Immediately thereafter a controversy broke out between the British and the French over the route of the pipeline to be built. The French wished it to course through Syria, and the British, through Palestine, as part of the British Chemical Trust's plan for exploitation of the potash of the Dead Sea and other Palestine resources.

The Standard Oil Co. was satisfied with this deal, as a beginning. The Lamp, official publication of the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey, editorialized:

"For the first time there has been negotiated what promises to be a practical Open Door policy in which four great nations take equal participation in one field." (April 1926)

The State Department headed by Rockefeller's agent, Secretary Charles Evans Hughes, was content with his version of the Open Door that shut out most American interests but satisfied the Rockefeller and Mellon cliques.

An interesting phase of the deal was the part that religion had played in it. The play for Mosul had originated in Admiral Chester's visit to Turkey on behalf of the massacred Armenians; and the Near East Relief had played a significant role in the maneuvers. But when the Turko-American Treaty was presented to the Senate for ratification, Vahan Cardashian, attorney for the Armenian Republic, presented the following charges to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee:

". . . What . . . is the motive, the purpose behind the Turkish policy of the Department of State?

"I charge that it is oil.

"An Administration which has surrendered legitimate American rights and then has the impudence to fill the air with irrelevancies, wild insinuations and falsehoods to divert attention from its disgraceful policy; an Administration which has deliberately trampled upon the Constitution of the United States in its conduct of foreign relations—such an Administration, I charge would not hesitate, and has not hesitated, to sell out the Armenian people and their homes for oil, in the interest of a privileged group . . ."

For the Rockefeller interests this compromise was merely an expedient. They never settle for a part as long as there is any possibility of getting the whole; and any compromise, for them, is merely an opportunity to stab their partner in the back. In that respect they resemble their British adversaries, who used the compromise to prevent the Rockefeller interests from effectively developing their share of the deal, Saudi Arabia.

The Rockefeller interests turned to their pawns in World War I, the Germans, to set the obstructive British Empire on its heels. As bosses of the German Dye Trust, I.G. Farben-industrie, they controlled German industry and the German government. On October 30, 1930, for instance, the press announced that the Standard Oil Co. had purchased the German alcohol monopoly. Inevitably, they played a large role in the rise of Hitler and exercised a large measure of control over the Nazi Party and its policies.

The resurrection of German nationalism and militarism was a crafty move toward the destruction of the British Empire and its elimination as a bitter adversary in the control of the oil reserves of the world. Just as in the 1920's, after the Rockefeller interests had entered into their entente with Russia, they assigned Rockefeller's top publicity man, Ivy L. Lee, to advise the Russians on their propaganda and publicity and to build up favorable public opinion in the U.S. Ivy Lee was also assigned by the Rockefellers, in July 11, 1934, to serve their I.G. Farben-industrie as publicity agent and to advise Hitler on the rearmament of Germany. It was announced that for this service the Rockefeller interests were paying Ivy Lee the sum of $25,000 a year. Walter C. Teagle of Standard Oil, and Edsel Ford were on the I.G. board.

On August 14 of the same year, it was announced that Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey had acquired 730,000 acres of oil land from the North European Oil Corp., built extensive refineries in Germany for the Nazis and supplied them with oil, for which they were later paid, in June 1936, with 40 million harmonicas and a number of ships.

The Rockefeller interests played a major, and possibly a key, role in setting Hitler and the Nazis loose on the world. Hitler's Mein Kampf echoed the views of John D. Rockefeller's associates, advisers and spokesmen on the topic of social organization and human, or inhuman, relations. The medieval, feudal type of dictatorship that is the essence of Nazism, was laid down as the pattern of perfect government for the U.S. and the world in his blueprint of the New Deal, The American Rich, by Rockefeller's associate and fellow member of the Union Club, Hoffman Nickerson, is related elsewhere. In that work is laid out the pattern of subversion and wiping out of all semblance of human freedom, the concept of a superior race ordained to rule a nation of divided minorities, whose racial stock eventually was to be purified by the elimination of "foreign" elements, especially the Jews.

This anti-Semitism suited the purposes of the Rockefeller interests, because the directors of the operations of their fierce opposition in the British Empire, namely, the Royal Dutch and Shell and the Anglo Persian and British Controlled Oil fields, were the Samuels family, the Rothschilds, the Monds, the Sassoons, and other Jewish families.

Rockefeller's associate, Alexis Carrel, of the Rockefeller Institute, "scientifically" suggested the ruthless murder of "undesirable" and "inefficient" humans, whose existence he regarded as exemplifying that "waste" which the Rockefeller mentality so abhors. He published his views at full length in his book, Afan, The Unknown. When Hitler took over France, Carrel turned there to help put his ideas into operation, with the cooperation of the Nazis and at their invitation.

It should be noted at this point that much of the bond of inhuman sympathy between Hitler and Stalin can be attributed to Rockefeller and his agent, Ivy Ledbetter Lee. It was their entente that paved the way for the Nazi conquests.

It was not until Hitler had arrived at Dunkirk, that the British awoke to the realization that unless they knuckled down to the Rockefeller Empire, their own Empire would face destruction. An agreement was hurriedly reached whereby the Rockefeller interests were given a free hand in the development of Saudi Arabia in exchange for their dragooning the United States into the war to fight it and pay for it, prompt convoying of the British merchant marine by the U.S. Navy, and the intensive launching of the sardonically labelled Lend-Lease program whereby the wealth of the U.S. was poured into the laps of England and her allies.

Though Hitler could have crossed the channel in a matter of hours, and invaded England, some force deterred him and caused him to turn against Germany's ally, Soviet Russia, in a suicidal invasion attempt. The role played by the Rockefeller and I.G. interests in influencing this decision has yet to be fathomed. But it is clear that since they dominated Hitler and the Nazi party, they did play a role.

The problem of dragooning the United States into the war was complicated by a decade of intensive pacifist propaganda that had been fostered by Nazi, Communist and allied Rockefeller-Carnegie forces. It was a simple matter to issue an order for a change of front to their agents in Congress. Their agent who led the Republican Senate minority, Senator Vandenberg, shifted overnight from the position of leader of the pro-American forces, then labeled "isolationist" because they sought to serve and protect our own country, to the position of leader of the "internationalists", who were intent upon serving the Rockefeller interests in the international field.

Because the Constitution specifically states that Congress alone can declare war, and because the members of Congress did not dare violate the pacifist sentiment of their electorate for fear of failure of re-election, it was necessary to find some way of forcing the country into war without a declaration by Congress, that is, by attack upon the United States by some power. The Rockefeller Empire had anticipated this contingency and arranged to have it serve their interests in another section of the world.

In the struggle with British interests for control of the Chinese oil market, the Standard Oil Co. loaned China 15 million dollars in February 1914, in exchange for a concession for a period of 75 years, for development, in partnership with the Chinese government, of the provinces of Shensi and Chi Li. To pave the way for these commercial interests, the Rockefeller Foundation launched an intensive propaganda campaign in China in the guise of "education", with medical activities for window-dressing. The concession aroused bitter opposition, both among the Chinese and among foreign powers, including England and Japan.

By the 1920's the Socony-Vacuum-Standard Oil subsidiaries had gained a virtual monopoly of the market for oil for the lamps of China. The tale of this trade is well told in Vera Teasdale's Oil For The Lamps Of China. It was a monopoly dear to the heart of Rockefeller, of the type he sought to extend to the whole world. Kerosene was sold at exorbitant prices in tiny amounts to fill gift lamps distributed by the Company. But if ever the rich Chinese oil resources were developed, such fantastic prices for kerosene even in beautiful tin cans, would be out of the question. It was essential for the monopoly and price structure that no oil be produced in China. The Soongs and the Nationalist Government saw to that. Blunt General Smedley Butler of the United States Marines, after his retirement roared, "All I ever did for twenty-five years in China is watch Standard Oil cans."

All went well until the war lord of Shansi Province granted a concession to the Japs to drill for oil. The Japs found oil aplenty. This was a serious threat to the Standard Oil monopoly in China. The Chinese Nationalist Government was ordered to seize the war lord if necessary, cancel the concession and oust the Japs. This was done in 1927.

The Japs did not take kindly to cancelation of their oil concession after spending a hundred million yen on it. Nor did they feel kindly toward the Rockefeller-Standard Oil crowd, whom they knew to be responsible. They vowed to come back and seize China, if necessary, to get their oil.

The Japs made good their threats and proceeded to seize China beginning with the first Shanghai incident in 1931. And they did not forget the role played by the Rockefeller-Standard Oil crowd in the cancelation of the concessions. They avenged themselves wherever they went, by destroying Rockefeller-Standard Oil property first.

An illustration of how far the Japs went in destroying Rockefeller-Standard Oil property is the Panay incident. The gunboat Panay was the only representative of the United States Navy in the China seas. For six years it plied the Yangtze River during the Jap invasion of China but was never molested. Suddenly one day in 1937, the news was blazoned to a shocked world that the Panay had been shelled by the Japs. It has never been told that the reason the Panay had been shelled was that it was convoying two Standard Oil tankers. That, the Japs would not tolerate.

The efforts of the Rockefeller-Standard Oil group to protect their property took three directions. First, in April 1938, within a short time after the Panay incident, they made the Mitsuis of Japan, who with the Zaibatsu dominated Emperor Hirohito and Japan's policies, their exclusive agents in North China and all conquered territory in Asia. This placed the Rockefeller-Standard Oil group in a position to influence Japan's policies.

But it has always been a Rockefeller policy never to be satisfied with half a loaf when they can get a whole loaf at no expense to themselves. To accomplish the destruction of Japan, it was necessary to bring the American Army to the rescue of their property in China. But it would have been futile for the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests to ask Congress to declare war on Japan because it was destroying their property in China.

They did, however, make an effort to get the U.S. to declare war on Japan in the early 1930's. When Roosevelt proposed launching the Rockefeller Crusade on Japan, shortly after his inauguration, at his first full Cabinet meeting, he was talked out of an immediate declaration of war as unwise, by his counsellors. Even their numerous agents in Congress could not afford to vote for a war on such grounds. To avoid committing political suicide, they would have to reply: "Go fly your own kite."

If, however, Japan could be induced to attack the U.S.—that would be a different story. To accomplish this purpose, it was imperative that the American public have no suspicion of the significance to the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests of Japan's aggression on China; and they never were told.

Through their control of the Navy and the Government, they were able to prevent any leaks from these sources. When Admiral Yarnell, Commander of the Panay, threatened to return to the United States and tell the American public of the indignity of the United States Navy being used as a convoy for tankers, he was retired; and learned better than to open his mouth on the subject.

The appointment of Joseph Grew, nephew of John Pierpont Morgan, as Ambassador to Japan was dictated. The plan was to induce the Japs to attack the United States. Grew rapidly earned for himself the name of "friend of Japan." He was of invaluable assistance in aiding their armament. Standard Oil literally poured oil into Japan. Wright Aeronautical and other aviation manufacturers built plants and supplied unlimited numbers of engines and planes. American munitions flowed into Japan in a steady stream. Literally all the scrap on the American market, including the Sixth Avenue El of New York City, were shipped into Japan. The United States generously supplied Japan with everything she needed for war.

Despite the growth of her armaments, Japan could not screw up sufficient courage to attack the United States. The conspirators were impatiently waiting and working to bring about an attack on the United States that would force Congress to declare officially the war that Roosevelt already was waging unofficially.

Admiral Richardson, who was Chief of Staff of the Pacific Command, testified before a Senate investigating committee that President Roosevelt had expressed the wishful thought, at a White House luncheon, October 8, 1940, that "the Japanese sooner or later would, make a mistake and we would enter the war." Promptly thereafter, Admiral Richardson protested once again the splitting of the Pacific Fleet and stationing it at Pearl Harbor, which had been done against his advice, in view of the intent expressed by Roosevelt to take steps leading to active hostilities. When Admiral Richardson insistently urged preparing the Pacific Fleet to protect itself, he was relieved of his command and replaced by Admiral Kimmel. The Navy deliberately was barred by Roosevelt from preparing for war.

Rockefeller's Institute of Pacific Relations agents working under Sorge precipitated the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor that the conspirators sought in order to bring the U.S. into the war. The IPR's agents, Agnes Smedley and Guenther Stein, collaborated with Richard Sorge, Soviet master spy in Japan, in diverting the attack the Japanese were preparing to make on their rational foe, the Soviets, from the Soviet Union to the U.S. and the British. So successful was their work that as early as October 1941 the conspirators knew that the Japanese definitely planned an attack on Pearl Harbor.

"At the instance of his bosses, Roosevelt followed his childhood yearning to play with warships and naval warfare. He took over, indirectly, command of the Pacific Fleet. Roosevelt did everything that might be calculated to induce the Japs to attack the fleet at Pearl Harbor. He stationed the vessels within the Harbor, where they could be bottlenecked and could not possibly be defended. He ordered disregard of any and all warnings of danger and attack that were picked up.

"The Japanese were told in effect: 'Destroy the United States Fleet at Pearl Harbor, and you have won the war at the start'. In the meantime, the Japanese who itched to attack were goaded to fury in the field of diplomacy.

"This deliberate plan to induce the Japanese to attack the United States was common knowledge in diplomatic circles, but it has been regarded as a breach of 'ethics' to mention it. But Capt. Oliver Lytteton, Minister of Production in Winston Churchill's wartime cabinet, stated before Parliament on July 20, 1944: 'Japan was provoked into attacking America at Pearl Harbor. It is a travesty on history to say that America was forced into the war.'

"This is the import of a statement made by Eleanor Roosevelt, as usual sharper in tongue than in wit, in an interview given Kathleen McLaughlin, published in New York Times Magazine, October 8, 1944: 'December 7, was just like any other D-Day to us. We clustered at the radio and waited for more details—but it was far from the shock it proved to the country in general. We had expected something of the sort for a long time.'

"Her statement is exceptionally significant. D-Days are known in advance to the high command. This D-day was known beyond any question to Roosevelt and his entourage. Roosevelt had on his desk many hours before the attack, a decoded message sent by the Japanese to their envoys in Washington, known as the "East Wind Rain" radiogram, which stated that Japan planned to attack Pearl Harbor on the following day. But he deliberately betrayed the nation and its defenders and failed to warn them. On the contrary, they were under orders to disregard outside danger signals.

"This means that the rulers and their pawn, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, had courted and precipitated a Jap attack, then deliberately withheld the warning from the armed forces and prevented them from defending themselves. Why? For eight long years the conspirators had worked, prayed and waited for the attack. They would not risk its miscarriage or effectiveness. The motto of the conspirators might have been: 'Oil is thicker than blood.'

"It was not their own blood that was shed and for them the price was cheap, the blood of 2500 men and a fleet of battleships paid for by the American people. The lives meant nothing to them. The jeopardy in which they deliberately placed the nation was, as usual, of little concern to the internationally entrenched scoundrels." (The Strange Death of Franklin Delano Roosevelt pp. 233-5.)

Effecting a split between Hitler and Stalin was as simply arranged as had been their alliance. It involved treachery against a partner; but conspirators are not squeamish folks. At home in the U.S., Hitler's attack on Soviet Russia resolved a difficult problem for the Rockefeller interests and their New Deal. It healed the breach between them and the Communist elements, caused by our entry into the war following Pearl Harbor, and aligned the Reds of all shades solidly behind the war effort and all the attendant schemes. One of the most important consequences for the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis was that it offered a complete and simple solution of the problem of rearming the Soviets at the expense of the American "peasants", by means of that grand give-away, "Lend Lease". The war solved the problems of cartelization of industry in which the NRA had failed, of more complete regimentation of the "peasants", of looting them more speedily by rapidly pyramided taxation, and paved the way for a totalitarian state in wartime, that would "gentle" the nation into accepting dictatorship.

Our entry into the war assured the Rockefeller dominated Aramco the right to develop Saudi Arabian oil for Standard Oil of California's and Texas Company's joint venture, Caltex. When King Ibn Saud demanded royalty payments amounting to $30,000,000, Caltex employed James A. Moffett, Vice-President of Standard Oil of New Jersey who had been appointed by Roosevelt to the post of Housing Administrator, to use his influence to get the Government to pay for holding the concession. Moffett had no difficulty in arranging this "New Deal" for the Rockefeller interests. For his success, he alleged in lawsuits which he brought against the Companies in 1947, he was promised a total commission of over $8,000,000.

The $30,000,000 which the United States Treasury gave Ibn Saud for the support of himself and his 450 wives and their progeny, to maintain the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests in his good graces, cost the American people twenty cents a head. In addition King Ibn Saud got a "loan" of $25,000,000 of taxpayers' money from the Export-Import Bank to build a railroad from his capitol across the desert to his summer palace at Rayadh, and numerous gifts from the American taxpayers ranging from multi-million dollar airplanes to sight-seeing tours to the United States for himself, his many princes, and their numerous retinues.

For the millions of taxpayers' money poured into his lap by the United States, King Ibn Saud did offer to them in return, a very suggestive, and under the circumstances, a premonitory and appropriate token gift. He presented America's Queen Eleanor (Roosevelt) with a jewel becrusted, solid gold crown. Eleanor accepted this crown with peculiar alacrity, but it was given little publicity.

After they secured payment for their concession by the United States Treasury, the Rockefeller Empire then ordered their New Deal agents in 1941 to begin the construction for them of a pipeline in Saudi Arabia at the expense of the American taxpayer. This required the diversion of pipe sorely needed for the war effort and for the heating of homes on the Eastern seaboard that were without fuel and heat.

A bill was introduced in Congress appropriating $165,000,000 for this Rockefeller-Standard Oil chore. The outcry against the bill was so great that it was dropped.

In the following year President Roosevelt gave the Rockefeller interests the $165,000,000 out of special, secret appropriations given him by Congress for use in the war effort, for which he was required to render no accounts. It was used for surveys and preparatory work for the pipeline. In addition the United States Army was assigned to do part of the task and to build an airfield and base at Dharan. Under the contract with Ibn Saud, the base was turned over to Saudi Arabia in February, 1949, shortly after its completion at the cost of more than six millions to the United States taxpayers.

Two drafted United States soldiers who were kept in the service after the termination of the war to labor on the fields protested to Congressman Philip J. Philibin who denounced this "quasi-private" undertaking for the Rockefeller Empire at the cost of the American public, with drafted American soldiers. The air base is close-by the oilfields.

A number of gross misrepresentations were involved in the negotiations with the New Dealers to induce them to take the burden of Saudi Arabian concessions off the shoulders of the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests, according to testimony before a Congressional committee investigating the deal. First, it was misrepresented that the oil was fit for use by the U.S. Navy. The Naval Laboratory reported, however, that the oil was of inferior grade and unsuited for use in Navy boilers. Though it was condemned, its purchase was arranged for by oilman, Admiral Andrew F. Carter, then executive officer of the Army-Navy Petroleum Board and now employed by Overseas Tank Corporation a subsidiary of Caltex Company, Aramco's owner. The purchase was made by his brother, Admiral William J. Carter, Chief of the Bureau of Supplies and Accounts. In charge of the price negotiations were Lt. John Walsh, now employed by the Standard Oil of New Jersey and Lt. D. Bodenschatz, now with General Petroleum Company. What use the Navy made of this inferior oil, if any, has not been revealed.

Aside from the false representation regarding the quality of the oil and its value to the Navy, misrepresentation was made regarding the price that would be charged the Navy for it. Despite the fact that the U.S. taxpayers financed the deal, the price that the Navy was to pay was the same as would be charged to British Navy; 40 cents a barrel for fuel oil, and 75 cents a barrel for Diesel oil. Instead the U.S. Navy was charged $1.05 for fuel oil and $1.68 for Diesel oil, more than double. Senator Brewster, chairman of the Senate Investigating Committee stated that these prices involved an overpayment of $68,000,000.

The ownership of the Saudi Arabian concession was vested in the Standard Oil of California and the Texas Company, through a jointly owned company. Caltex. The operating company is a subsidiary, the Arabian-American Oil Company, called briefly Aramco. The Caltex Company, sold a 40 percent interest in the field to the Standard Oil of New Jersey and Socony Vacuum Oil for a sum stated as more than a quarter of a billion dollars.

Aramco is now shipping from Ras Tanura more than 850,000 barrels of oil a day, and the shipments are rapidly increasing. The value of the shipments amounts to an income of almost two million dollars a day for the Rockefeller Empire. The cost of this oil to them is very low. The profits to the Standard Oil of California, the Texas Company, the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey and Socony Vacuum on the Saudi Arabian oil are enormous. But they are completely exempt from taxes on those profits. Thus the Treasury Department has aided the Rockefeller Empire in evading taxes on profits made on moneys given it by the American taxpayers.

The cost of the Rockefeller Empire's Saudi Arabian oil to the American people is tragically high. It cost them two World Wars, hundreds of billions of dollars, tens of thousands of lives and hundreds of thousands of maimed and crippled—the expense of obtaining the oil fields for the Rockefeller Empire. If the U.S. had paid the Rockefeller Empire ten times as much as their profits from the fields, it would have gotten off cheaply. For it would have saved its citizens the untold miseries of the wars and billions of dollars.

As the price for permitting the Rockefeller Empire to remain in undisputed possession of their Saudi Arabia prize, the Soviets have dictated the policies of the U.S. in recent years; and the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis has consistently sacrificed the interests of the U.S. while making its taxpayers foot the bills.

World War II was waged as dictated by the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis. The U.S. provided arms and equipment under "Lend Lease" for the Soviet troops, while our own troops were not adequately equipped. These items were furnished in such profusion, especially by way of Iran, that there came a point when the Soviets refused to accept any more unless Harry Hopkins and Roosevelt would arrange to send over specialists to show them how they could be stored in the open for ten years without deterioration. The New Dealers complied. But American-donated trucks, planes, engines, machinery and equipment of all varieties were stacked high on Persian docks and on the desert and left to the elements to deteriorate, while at home they were in such extreme shortage as to interfere with our war effort.

At the same time, the conspirators deprived our troops in the Pacific of essential equipment and reinforcements, for lack of which they were repulsed and tens of thousands of G.I. lives lost. The conspirators, guided by Rockefeller-Soviet Institute of Pacific Relations and State Department agents, were bent on keeping the U.S. from winning the war until such time as the Soviets could barge in and claim the spoils—all of Asia and the Pacific isles, regained by U.S. forces at enormous sacrifice of lives, and needlessly lost as a result of the conspiracy. Meanwhile, the Soviets were maintaining an entente with Japan and actually supplying the Japanese with war material we had supplied to them as our "ally". American airmen who were compelled to land on Russian soil were interned and their planes confiscated.

In Europe, a similar situation prevailed. Stalin demanded invasion of Europe and a second front, though our troops were not adequately equipped because of shipments to Russia. The conspirators used Russia's necessity to fight an invader as a pretext for propaganda to further the objectives of the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis by building up Russia as the defender and protector of the "democracies". They did so in spite of the fact that even honest Bolsheviks were willing to acknowledge openly that victory would have been impossible for the Soviets without the self-sacrificing aid given her by the U.S. Instead, they presented the U.S. in our own press and the world as "slackers" who impeded the "noble battle that Russia, the 'greatest of democracies', wages for us". They compelled us to accept Stalin's order to invade Europe by the costlier and more dangerous route, across the English Channel. A trans-Mediterranean invasion, striking the "soft underbelly of Europe", through the Balkans, could have been made at an early date and at infinitely lesser cost. It was barred by the conspirators for the same reasons that it was advocated by Churchill, because it would have interfered with their division of the world with the Soviets, would have shut them out of Yugoslavia and thwarted their pan-Slavic goal.

American and allied troops were barred by General Eisenhower, under orders from his conspirator-bosses, from taking all of Germany, so as to permit the Soviets to seize Berlin and Eastern Germany, with its strategic industrial and mineral resources. This bit of treachery that has cost us our victory in Europe and left us at the mercy of the Soviets, left American troops isolated in West Berlin, as hostages to the Soviets, who could be cut off and wiped out by the Russian horde at any time it would suit their purposes. A vestige of intelligence would have excluded such a breach of elementary military tactics; it was dictated by treachery. Such episodes as the Berlin blockade, suit the purposes of both members of the Axis, as is related elsewhere.

In the Pacific, General MacArthur was petitioned for peace by the Japanese, on the same terms that were accepted eventually, seven months before the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis partners would agree to their acceptance. Months before the armistice, on May 29, 1945, Rockefeller's puppet, General George C. Marshall, blocked, at the behest of the pro-Soviet bloc in the State Department, which included Acheson and MacLeish, with Elmer Davis of the OWI—all of Rockefeller's IPR—the sending of a peace ultimatum to Japan, recommended by MacArthur and endorsed even by the clique's henchman, Henry Luce. This was reported to the Senate McCarran Committee by former State Department executive, Eugene H. Dooman. He stated that the object was to allow Truman to connive at Potsdam to give the Soviets a pretext for breaking their nonaggression pact with Japan, and permit the Russians to invest Manchuria. This opened the way for the delivery of China to the Communists, that has proved so disastrous to us. (the Freeman, Nov. 5, 1951)

At Teheran, and again at Yalta, there was confirmed the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis program of partition of the world that allotted Eastern Europe and all of Asia, except the Near East, to the Soviets. In accord with their plan of destroying the British Empire, the Rockefeller interests, acting through the U.S. State Department, marked Iran for eventual surrender to the Soviets, at Yalta, right under Churchill's nose. President Roosevelt, or his double, mouthed the Empire's agreement, alternately with mouthings of the non-existent Atlantic Charter that "guaranteed" autonomy to the very states assigned to the Soviets.

At Yalta Molotov and Alger Hiss (of Rockefeller Empire's Foreign Office, the Council on Foreign Relations, and of the Institute of Pacific Relations), with the approval of Stalin, drew up the United Nations Charter. And Alger Hiss was there appointed Secretary General of the Conference to Organize the United Nations by the Rockefeller-Soviet Axis partners.

The dropping of the atom bomb on Japan was a needless act of brutality perpetrated upon a defeated and suppliant enemy. But it served the conspirators well in intimidating the U.S. into continuing and expanding war expenditures, in fear of the exaggerated frightfulness of our own bombs. In the meantime the conspirators facilitated the leak of much atomic-energy material and information to the Soviets through Axis agents and spies, when it was not directly supplied to them by Harry Hopkins, Averell Harriman and other New Dealers.

To further insure continued high expenditures and a steadily increasing tax burden for the American "peasants", the Soviets and the Axis agents fostered propaganda demanding American disarmament and recall of troops from both the European and the Asiatic war theatres. This propaganda also had as its objective the facilitating of the division of Eurasia on the basis of the Axis plan, by gradual, stealthy expansion by the Soviets. With this latter purpose as a goal, Rockefeller's Institute of Pacific Relations and State Department set about delivering China to the Soviets. The Soviets took over Manchuria and rifled it immediately after the Japanese surrender. As has been related, the Chinese Nationalists were forced by the Rockefeller-Soviet agents to yield to the Communists, at the very time that the former were badly defeating the latter. Aid appropriated by Congress for the rearming of the Nationalists was treacherously withheld by the agents in strategic U.S. Government posts. Lauchlin Currie, assistant to President Roosevelt, ordered dumping in the Indian Ocean of whole boatloads of surplus munitions shipped to the Chinese Nationalists. The State Department, as a Rockefeller-dominated agency, left no stone unturned to make good on the agreement to aid the Soviets in attaining the first goal set by Lenin in the world conquest of Communism, conquest of China.

In order to facilitate the process, the arms cast aside by the disarming U.S. were sold as surplus, and the great bulk of it found its way, directly or indirectly, to Russia. Much of it was being shipped to Russia at the very moment that Congress was appropriating billions of dollars for its replacement.

The Soviets demanded that "Lend-Lease", pledged to her by the U.S. for the war effort, be delivered, though the war was over in the belief of the rest of the world. Instead of disarming as it demanded of the U.S., Soviet Russia continued to expand its military establishment, largely, if not entirely, at the direct and indirect expense of the American taxpayers, at the behest of the Rockefeller Empire and its agents. They launched the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, almost entirely at the expense of American taxpayers, to serve the Soviets in penetrating Poland, Czechoslovakia and other lands that they later engulfed. Under the direction of Herbert H. Lehman, of Rockefeller's Council of Foreign Relations, numerous Soviet agents were placed in charge of UNRRA to facilitate the process.

Loans to foreign lands by the sale of their bonds had been exposed after World War I as a gigantic swindle perpetrated by American bankers who had profited hugely from them. Most of them rapidly dropped in value to mere fractions of par, or became worthless. Congressional investigations revealed that the major portion of the "loaned" money had never reached the lands for which the bonds were issued. It had stuck to the "sticky" fingers of domestic bankers.

The wariness of the American investing public and the Johnson Act forbade a repetition of the bond sales. The Rockefeller interests circumvented these obstacles by forcing the American public to donate their earnings and wealth, for the same purpose for which they had been induced to voluntarily invest after World War I, by the mechanism of compulsory, tax-financed government "loans" to the same lands. These countries are never expected to repay because the bulk of the funds flowed directly into the coffers of the Rockefeller Empire. Much of this money financed delivery of material of war, oil and supplies to Soviet Russia directly—and much more went indirectly —by virtually all of the lands supposedly receiving the aid, despite the pretense that the object of the loans was "to fight Communism". This represented tribute paid by the American public on behalf of the Rockefeller Empire to its Axis partner.

The mechanics of these loans is made clear by the Greek "loan" of $400,000,000 "to fight Communism". If fighting Communism was the true object of this loan, the purpose would have been served better by shipments of arms and munitions from our huge war surplus. For wars are still fought with shells and not with dollar bills. If it was the intent to stop Communism, the U.S. would not have sent some of its notorious Reds to Greece for that purpose—headed by New Dealers, Griswold and Eleanor Roosevelt's kin, Ambassador MacVeagh. For when the program began, there were but a few scattered bands of Communist guerillas in northern Greece. But after several months of "stopping Communism" and the expenditure of the whole loan, a Communist government controlled all of northern Greece. But just as if it had been prearranged, the Communists stopped short of the Mediterranean life-line of Saudi Arabian oil.

The "loans" to England total many billions of dollars. These "loans" were largely of the nature of a subsidy to the British Labor Government as an agency of the Rockefeller Empire. The funds which do not flow into the coffers of the Rockefeller Empire, in payment for oil and other items, largely subsidize Britain's trade with Iron Curtain countries. The Labor Government steadfastly refused to abandon its Soviet trade and frankly acknowledged that it was carried on with moneys supplied by the U.S. This traffic is particularly outrageous since the onset of the Korean "police action", as the bulk of it goes to the Communists for slaughter of GIs.

The Marshall Plan, the Point 4 program and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization were conceived and organized by the Rockefeller interests for the same purpose, as related elsewhere. They have proved enormously profitable to the Rockefeller Empire and helpful in building up the military power of the Iron Curtain lands and North Korea.

The tale of the treachery of the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests in connection with this Crusade of theirs is not complete with the mere accounting of their trading with the enemy and providing him oil and war material. They were indicted in the second year of World War II by Assistant Attorney General Thurman Arnold, for deliberately blocking the production of synthetic rubber. Under their influence, Jesse Jones had persistently refused to stockpile crude rubber and tin for the oncoming war despite the obvious need and the demands of the military. Such stockpiling would have involved a violation of an agreement with the Dutch-British cartels under which the Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests participate in East Indies oil production. But in this war emergency, the British and Dutch interests were identical with ours, and they undoubtedly would have welcomed our stockpiling rubber and tin under these circumstances. Nevertheless none was stored.

The Rockefeller-Standard Oil interests and their Chase National Bank owned and controlled the majority interest in the German Dye Trust. It is interesting that the name of Rockefeller did not appear in the indictment.

The Standard Oil of New Jersey pleaded that their agreement with I.G. Farben-industrie barred their permitting the use of synthetic rubber patents by the United States or the Allies. In effect they pleaded guilty to conspiring with Germany to prevent the use by the U.S. Government of synthetic rubber processes. Without the synthetic rubber prepared by these processes, the war inevitably would have been lost. Caught red-handed in their "treason" they pleaded guilty to the indictment. They agreed to release the patents and processes for use by the U.S. barely in time to save the situation.

Far more binding and protective is loyalty to the Rockefeller-Standard Oil Empire than to the U.S.A. The conclusion that the defeat of the Allies would have made no difference to the conspirators is sustained by the fact that they had extended their full support and cooperation to Hitler and the Nazis. Thurman Arnold was relieved of his post shortly after the incident.

Senator Joseph C. O'Mahoney of Wyoming, discussing the Saudi Arabian deals of the Rockefeller Empire in a radio interview, Feb. 2, 1947, stated:

"It is but a step from giant combinations of this kind to an authoritarian state." Commenting on the situation, Senator Harry Shippe Truman, kinsman of the Rockefellers (Winthrop Aldrich's daughter, niece of John D. Jr., is named Lucy Truman Aldrich) called it "Treason".

In these machinations, the Sidney Hillmans, Harry Hopkinses and their ilk, were mere puppets and stooges of the Rockefeller Empire—red herrings drawn across the trail.