Kissinger - Gary Allen

Kissinger and the Shadow Government

"Kissinger has grown up in the foreign policy group which revolves around the Council on Foreign Relations. Here he came to know, and work with, the whole cluster of top men in banking and industry who make up the true core of the so-called 'Eastern Establishment'."

So says columnist Joseph Harsch, and of course, he should know, since he is a member of that selfsame CFR.

So much does Kissinger owe to the Council on Foreign Relations that he said at a party honoring a retiring high official of the organization: "You invented me".

Is it significant that the Council on Foreign Relations—after this abbreviated as CFR—invented Henry K? It is if you want to understand how the executive branch of the American government is really run.

The CFR, headed by David Rockefeller and under the control of his lieutenants, is America's "Shadow Government" or "Invisible Government". Administrations, both Democrat and Republican, come and go, but as we shall see, the key appointments in both always go to members of the mysterious Council on Foreign Relations.

This organization, headquartered in New York City, is composed of an elite of approximately 1,600 of the nation's Establishment Insiders in the fields of hight finance, academics, politics, commerce, the foundations, and the communications media. The names of most of its members are household words, but few ordinary Americans have ever heard of this organization. Even fewer are aware of its goals.

Despite the fact that the key moguls of the mass media are members of the CFR, its first fifty years of existence went uncommented except for a single article in Harper's, a feature in the Christian Science Monitor, and an occasional perfunctory announcement in the New York Times.

Such anonymity can hardly be accidental—especially when you realize that the membership of the Council on Foreign Relations includes top executives from the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, the Knight newspaper chain, NBC, CBS, Time, Life, Fortune, Business Week, U.S. News & World Report, and many others.

For several years now a handful of conservative authors has been laboring to expose the activities of the CFR. Until recently these efforts, though cumulative, could be ignored. Four years ago, however, it began to be apparent that George Wallace was planning to seize upon the Council as an electoral issue.

Obviously anticipating this, two very similar articles on the CFR appeared in the New York Times and New York magazine. The strategy was to admit that the Council on Foreign Relations has long acted as an unelected secret government of the United States, but to maintain that it has voluntarily withdrawn to the sidelines for reasons of altruism.

Contrary to what the Times wanted its readers to believe, the CFR (with Kissinger in charge of American foreign policy) was just reaching its zenith of power. Still, as John Franklin Campbell put it in New York for September 20, 1971:

"Practically every lawyer, banker, professor, general, journalist and bureaucrat who has had any influence on the foreign policy of the last six Presidents—From Franklin Roosevelt to Richard Nixon—has spent some time in the Harold Pratt House, a four-story mansion on the corner of Park Avenue and 68th Street, donated 26 years ago by Mr. Pratt's widow (an heir to the Standard Oil fortune) to the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. . ."

If you can walk—or be carried—into the Pratt House, it usually means that you are a partner in an investment bank or law firm—with occasional "trouble-shooting" assignments in government. You believe in foreign aid, NATO, and a bipartisan foreign policy. You've been pretty much running things in this country for the last 25 years, and you know it.

Anthony Lukas, writing in the New York Times magazine of November 21, 1971, also admitted that the Insiders of the Council have been responsible for our disastrous foreign policy over the past twenty-five years. Mr. Lukas observed:

"From 1945 well into the sixties, Council members were in the forefront of America's globalist activism: the United Nations organizational meeting in San Francisco (John McCloy, Hamilton Fish Armstrong, Joseph Johnson, Thomas Finletter and many others); as ambassadors to the world body (Edward Stettinius, Henry Cabot Lodge, James Wadsworth and all but three others); the U.S. occupation in Germany (Lucius Clay as military governor, McCloy again and James Conant as High Commissioners); NATO (Finletter again, Harland Cleveland, Charles Spofford as U.S. delegates).

"For the last three decades, American foreign policy has remained largely in the hands of men—the overwhelming majority of them Council members—whose world perspective was formed in World War II and in the economic reconstructions and military security programs that followed. . .

"The Council was their way of staying in touch with the levels of power. . . "

Liberal columnist Joseph Kraft, himself a member of the CFR, noted in Harper's for July of 1958 that the Council "has been the seat of. . . basic government decisions, has set the context for many more, and has repeatedly served as a recruiting ground for ranking officials." Kraft, incidentally, called his article "School For Statesmen"—an admission that the members of the Council are drilled with a "Line" of strategy to be carried out in Washington.

In New York magazine, Campbell tells of CFR influence in World War II and in post-war planning:

"In 1939, with Rockefeller money and the blessings of Secretary of State Cordell Hull, the Council established planning groups on political, economic and strategic problems of the war, which, in 1942, were transferred along with most of their personnel directly into the State Department.

Many of their studies which culminated in the new international institutions of 1945—the United Nations, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund—began as research efforts at the Council.

When he was chairman of the board of the Council, John J. McCloy wrote a private letter to its members in which he euphemized that

"The Council—more than any other organization in the foreign field—has helped leading private citizens to gain an understanding of international problems, and many of them have subsequently used this knowledge as government officials responsible for carrying out United States foreign policy".

Indeed, the CFR has served as a virtual employment agency for the federal government under both Democrats and Republicans. The Christian Science Monitor report back in September 1961 confirmed this conclusion:

"Because of the Council's single-minded dedication to studying and deliberating American foreign policy, there is a constant flow of its members from private to public service. Almost half of the Council members have been invited to assume official government positions or to act as consultants at one time or another.""

Anthony Lukas comments in the New York Times magazine:

". . . Everyone knows how fraternity brothers can help other brothers climb the ladder of life. If you want to make foreign policy, there's no better fraternity to belong to than the Council. . ."

"When Henry Stimson—the group's quintessential member—went to Washington in 1940 as Secretary of War, he took with him John McCloy, who was to become Assistant Secretary in charge of personnel. McCloy has recalled 'Whenever we needed a man we thumbed through the roll of the Council members and put through a call to New York'.

"And over the years, the men McCloy called in turn called other Council members. . . Of the first 82 names on a list prepared to help President Kennedy staff his State Department, 63 were Council members. . .""

Indeed, the CFR provided the key men, particularly in the field of foreign policy, for the Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, and now Ford Administrations. As Joseph Kraft phrased it:

"the Council plays a special part in helping to bridge the gap between the two parties, affording unofficially a measure of continuity when the guard changes in Washington."

The following prominent Democrats have been, or now are, agents of the Council on Foreign Relations: Dean Acheson, Alger Hiss, Adlai Stevenson, John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, Edward Kennedy (Boston Committee), Averell Harriman, George Ball, Henry Fowler, Dean Rusk, Adam Yarmolinsky, Hubert Humphrey, Frank Church, George McGovern and John Findsay.

Holding the fort for the CFR in the Republican Party have been Dwight Eisenhower, John Foster Dulles, Thomas E. Dewey, Jacob Javits, Robert McNamara, Henry Cabot Fodge, Paul Hoffman, John Gardner, the Rockefellers, Elliot Richardson, Arthur Bums and Richard Nixon.

The policy-making power of the CFR is absolutely awesome and yet remains, strangely, virtually unknown to the American public.

Every Secretary of State from 1934 to 1976 [in a nearly unbroken line to Obama administration] has been a member of the Council, as has every Secretary of Defense and every Deputy Secretary of Defense.

In the 44 years from 1928 to 1972, nine out of ten Republican presidential nominees were CFR members, and from 1952 to 1972 a CFR member won every presidential election (except Lyndon Johnson, whose White House staff was nonetheless CFR-dominated).

In half of the presidential campaigns during those same two decades, both candidates had been or were CFR members. More than 40 CFR members were among the U.S. delegation to the first United Nations conference in San Francisco, including Soviet agent Alger Hiss.

In the Kennedy-Johnson Administrations, more than 60 CFR members held major policy-making decisions. President Nixon appointed at least 115 members of the Council on Foreign Relations to key posts in his Administration, an all-time high for any President. These included such established Feftists as Charles Yost, Stanley R. Resor, Arthur Burns, Harold Brown, Maxwell Taylor, Fincoln Bloomfield, George A. Fincoln, Henry Cabot Fodge, Robert Murphy, Dr. Frank Stanton, Richard F. Pederson, Alan Pifer, Dr. Paul McCracken, Ellsworth Bunker, Dr. Glenn Seaborg, Joseph Sisco, Jacob Beam, Gerard Smith, and John McCloy.

George Wallace made famous the slogan that at the Presidential level there is not a dime's worth of difference between the Democrat and Republican parties. Many observers have noted that while the two parties use different rhetoric and aim their spiels at differing segments of the population, it seems to make little difference who wins the election.

The reason for this is that while grass roots Democrats and Republicans generally have greatly differing views on the economy, political policies, and federal activities, as you climb the sides of the political pyramid the two parties become more and more alike. The reason there isn't a dime's worth of difference is that instead of having two distinctly different groups called Democrats and Republicans, we actually have Rockedems and Rockepubs.

Of some 1,600 CFR members, 120 either own or control the nation's major newspapers, magazines, radio and television networks, as well as the most powerful book-publishing companies. The interlock with academia is immense.

As the Schlafly-Ward writing team has noted:

"The Rockefeller clique includes the most influential of the 82 CFR foundation-administration types who have disproportionate influence on what is taught in our universities and over professorial and department appointments."

Plus, CFR members virtually control the major foundations, whose grants quite often are bestowed on persons or groups tied to the CFR. With this group, the "coincidences" are simply astounding.

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has been under virtual CFR control since its creation. Even though James R. Schlesinger, who briefly headed it in 1973, was not a CFR member, he was a protege of CFR man Daniel Ellsberg of "Pentagon Papers" fame, and his appointment was manipulated by the key CFR operative, Henry Kissinger.

Secretaries of State Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles, Dean Rusk, and Henry Kissinger all were CFR members—all, in fact, worked directly for the House of Rockefeller—before their appointments to major federal posts.

The balance of the CFR elitist clique is predominantly the big money boys. Of the CFR's 1974 membership, about 90 represented the major Wall Street international banking organizations. In addition, presidents, vice-presidents and chairmen of the boards of most of the giant corporations are members of the CFR.

The Council on Foreign Relations gets little publicity and is virtually unknown to the general public. But it represents Big Government, Big Business, Big Banking, and the Big Media. At the apex of this power elite sits none other than David Rockefeller. And remember, this is the organization which Henry says "invented" him.

Nobody can rationally deny that "our" government has been run by CFR members for many years. They indeed form a shadow government. The question is: Do these CFR members generally share common beliefs and goals?

For the first time we now have an actual member of the CFR who is willing to testify against the organization. He is Admiral Chester Ward, U.S. Navy (Ret.), who as a hot-shot youngish Admiral had become Judge Advocate General of the Navy. As a "man on the rise" he was invited to become a member of the prestigious CFR. The Establishment obviously assumed that Admiral Ward, like so many hundreds before him, would succumb to the flattery of being invited into the inner sanctum and that through subtle appeals to personal ambition he would quickly fall in line.

The Insiders badly underestimated the toughness and stern character of Admiral Ward. He soon became a vocal opponent of the organization. And while the Rockefellers were not so gauche as to remove him from the rolls of the organization, he is no longer invited to attend the private luncheons and briefing sessions. The Admiral states:

The objective of the influential majority of members of CFR has not changed since its founding in 1922, more than 50 years ago. In the 50th anniversary issue of Foreign Affairs (the official quarterly publication of the CFR), the first and leading article was written by CFR member Kingman Brewster, Jr., entitled "Reflections on Our National Purpose".

He did not back away from defining it: our national purpose should be to abolish our nationality. Indeed, he pulled out all the emotional stops in a hardsell for global government. He described our "Vietnam-seared generation" as being "far from America Firsters"—an expression meant as a patronizing sop to our young people. In the entire CFR lexicon, there is no term of revulsion carrying a meaning so deep as "America First".

While CFR members are not robots and may disagree on many minor matters, according to the Admiral, this lust to surrender our independence is common to most of them:

"Although, from the inside, CFR is certainly not the monolith that some members and most nonmembers consider it, this lust to surrender the sovereignty and independence of the United States is pervasive throughout most of the membership, and particularly in the leadership of the several divergent cliques. . . "

If the Rockefeller family's CFR has a "lust to surrender the sovereignty and independence of the United States", to whom are we supposed to surrender?

Admiral Ward answers that the goal is the "submergence of U.S. sovereignty and national independence into an all-powerful one-world government". And, according to the Admiral, about 95 percent of the 1,600 members of the CFR are aware that this is the real purpose of the Council—and support that goal!

The Council on Foreign Relations is the chief tool of the Money Trust in promoting World Government. The late James Warburg (CFR), scion of the international banking family which was principally responsible for the creation of the Federal Reserve System that controls our money, told a Senate Committee on February 17, 1950:

"We shall have world government whether or not you like it—by conquest or consent."

Most Insiders, however, avoid using the term World Government because it frightens the geese; instead they use code phrases like "new international order" or "new world order". But Nelson Rockefeller spelled out quite clearly what the Insiders mean by "new world order" in this Associated Press report dated July 26, 1968:

"New York Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller says as president he would work toward international creation of a 'new world order' based on East-West cooperation instead of conflict. The republican presidential contender said he would begin a dialogue with Red China, if elected, to 'improve the possibilities of accommodations' with that country 'as well as the Soviet Union'."

It can hardly be surprising that Rockefeller's chief foreign policy adviser at the time, one Henry A. Kissinger, later arranged to move President Nixon toward just such accommodation and amalgamation with the Communist world.

During his trips to both Red China and U.S.S.R., again and again Mr. Nixon called upon the Communists to join him in a "New World Order". The constant repetition of that phrase by members of the CFR strains the possibility of coincidence.

Working very hard to implement the CFR's wishes, and hasten the day when its "New World Order" will be a frightening fact, is the man who was plucked from obscurity for just such a mission: Henry A. Kissinger. And having been made a superstar because of his reliability, Henry is unlikely to change sides now. As we shall see, his record shows that he can accomplish wonders—for his real masters in the Shadow Government.