Kissinger - Gary Allen

Gulliver on the Beach

The United States entered its Bicentennial Year with great hoopla and fanfare. But not even the star-spangled splendors served up by television, nor the less palatable pap pouring forth from politicians, could hide the stark reality: The United States is failing as leader of the Free World. It is being outflanked, outgunned, and out-maneuvered by the world communist movement.

A nation which had an unquestioned eight-hundred percent strategic military superiority over the soviet Union in 1960 was settling, sixteen years later, for second-place status. A country which led Europe and Japan to post-war recovery was itself being ravaged by inflation, recession, and unemployment.

A people who had never before lost a war watched helplessly as thousands of lives and billions of dollars were dumped into a conflict halfway around the world, while our own leaders said victory was not our goal. After 50,000 American lives had been lost, a sham "peace" was arranged—and within three months three former allies were clutched in Communist hands.

As Red insurgency broke out in Thailand, burma and Malaysia, the Philippines decided to mend fences with communist China, North Korea again threatened to invade the South, and Singapore, Malaysia, Japan, and even Australia wondered aloud just how far they could count on the American presence in the Pacific.

The United States had already "opened the door" to mainland China, whose leaders are unquestionably the bloodiest mass murderers in human history. Red China practiced a smiling and beguiling diplomacy toward the West, while serving as the world's major pusher of drugs.

In Europe, a crumbling North Atlantic Treaty Organization was racked by dissension and outgunned by the Warsaw Pact military alliance. Marxists seized power in Portugal, the new regime in Greece was intermittently hostile to the United States, communist Party strength in France and Italy was at an all-time high, and the Mediterranean was thoroughly dominated by the Russian fleet.

In the Middle East, a "peace" treaty had sown the seeds for a much greater war to come, the Suez Canal was opened to Communist vessels but denied to ships of the U.S. Navy, and Russian "advisers" were moving into Africa by the tens of thousands. Each sharp soviet thrust was met by a listless, ineffectual response from the United States.

While Red China was reporting its eighteenth nuclear test, the Soviet nuclear-powered submarines began operating from Cuba, Russian vessels played cat-and-mouse with an anemic American fleet in the Pacific, and the massive soviet fishing fleet came very near to driving the U.S. fishing industry out of business.

In our own hemisphere, detente-numbed negotiators were simultaneously maneuvering to lift the U.S. quarantine of communist Cuba, and, in outright defiance of Congress, were plotting to give away the Panama Canal.

As the communist world grew more powerful and more brazen, it was official United States policy to facilitate the wholesale gift of American advanced technology and sophisticated equipment to the Red bloc. While the United States experienced double-digit inflation, its government secretly negotiated to give millions of dollars worth of foodstuffs to the Communists on credit. And while the energy crisis grew worse, our weird policies had the dual effect of limiting U.S. production of oil while increasing the price of foreign imports.

At home, Congress and the communications media were questioning not the demonstrably growing Communist subversion and terror in this country, but the perils posed by our own security agencies. While the FBI reported that there were at least 15,000 terrorists operating in the U.S., many openly encouraged, if not supplied and directed, by foreign powers, the United States was dismantling or hand-cuffing every major governmental unit charged with investigating such assaults on our security.

The American taxpayers continued to pay the lion's share of all expenses for the United Nations, which is dominated by a gaggle of Marxist dictatorships and "third world" totalitarians. The American host was abused by this parasitic combine virtually every day, often by member "governments" that practiced a bestiality and savagery usually associated with Stone Age tribes. And, when the United States finally appointed an Ambassador who would (verbally at least) give as good as he got, he received so little support and so much criticism from our own State Department that he quit in disgust.

To any objective observer, it must have appeared that American leaders had followed Alice in her trip through the looking glass. Or perhaps a collective madness had struck New York and Washington simultaneously. How else can we explain such an amazing tangle of setbacks and surprises, mistakes and miscalculations, disastrous blunders and humiliating defeats?

Was this catastrophic foreign policy what most Americans expected when, in 1968 and 1972, they gave a thumping majority to a man who was hailed as "the conservative, businessman's President"?

Certainly not.

Do a majority of Americans favor recognizing Red Cuba? Do they really concur in our abandoning the Panama Canal? Are they for one-sided wheat deals and technological giveaways to the Soviets? Do they agree that the Soviet Lend-Lease debt to the U.S. should be cancelled, that billions of dollars in other loans should be forgotten? That the United States accept a lesser role in world affairs—become a second-rate power, no longer capable of defending its allies or its own freedom? Of course not!

The obvious truth is that a majority of American, armed with the above information, would oppose these policy decisions. This political fact of life was reflected in the campaign rhetoric of 1976, as the Administration pushed such unpleasant subjects as the Panama giveaway and the consequences of detente to a back burner.

As children we read in Gulliver's Travels of how the normal-sized Gulliver, washed ashore on an island run by diminutive Lilliputians, was captured and tied down by his tiny hosts, Gulliver possessed more than enough strength to smash all of Lilliput—at first. And yet, he found himself completely at the mercy of the Lilliputians. He had been bound down, while he slept, by thousands of tiny threads. Each single strand could have been broken, but the cumulative effect of all of them put Gulliver totally under the power of his enemies.

The United States today is in much the same, if you will pardon the pun, bind. This giant of the world, possessor of the greatest productive capacity in the history of man, with its awesome defensive and offensive power, is being immobili z ed by a seemingly endless array of isolated acts. But the net effect of all of the pacts, agreements, treaties, and accords is to paralyze American strength just as surely as Gulliver was held down by his physically inferior captors.

Undergirding this book is the conviction that what has happened to the United States, and what continues to happen—this incredible lopsided weakening of the United States, while we pursue policies that support and strengthen our enemies—is not the result of mere happenstance.

We believe that much of what is happening in the world today can be explained by one single, terrible word: conspiracy. The basic outline of the plot, the historical background and present purposes of the most important protagonists, have been discussed by the author in two previous works (None Dare Call It Conspiracy and The Rockefeller File) It is not our purpose to replow all of that ground again here.

Yes, we believe it is possible for moral, intellectually honest men to believe in globalism, the evolution of a world government, the need to reduce tensions, to "build bridges of understanding", and similar slogans. We also believe that the great majority of persons promoting such policies are sincere and well-meaning. We can accept the explanation that they truly believe what they are doing will benefit all of humanity.

But. . . this does not mean that they are right. Or even that everyone in their corner really is sincere. Alger Hiss managed to convince every Liberal who knew him that he was just another sympathetic sheep in the fold. His friends forgot that there are real wolves in the world.

This book is the account of one man who, we believe, may be another wolf, entrusted with the job of protecting the sheep. It is the story of the person who, more than any other individual inside the U.S. government, has been the chief architect and apologist for the policies whose effects we have summarized above. It is the record of the present Secretary of State, Henry A. Kissinger.

As we examine each part of the record, we will find that the indictment is a terrible one. This will not be an Horatio Alger account of the rise of a poor immigrant boy to power and fame; it is not a self-serving piece of puffery that has been sanitized of all unpleasant facts. This will be a cold, hard look at the record.

Quite simply, we believe that Dr. Kissinger's continued occupation of a powerful position in our government presents a clear and present danger to this Republic. As we penetrate the cloak of falsehood and deception that has been erected to protect the man and myth, we will find that Dr. Kissinger has deliberately misled the Congress and the American people on numerous occasions.

Perhaps, as at least one defector from the Communist intelligence network has charged, it is possible that Kissinger's policies have been so favorable to the Communist bloc because he works for them!

Is Henry A. Kissinger a conscious, willful agent of a conspiratorial apparatus working for a New World Order? Or is he rather a vain, brilliant, twisted intellectual? Maybe he is both of these.

One thing is certain: Dr. Kissinger has owed far more allegiance to the globe-girdling interests of the House of Rockefeller than to his ostensible superiors in the White House, or even to the American people he purports to serve. (And the best interests of Americans, and America, are by no means synonymous with the Grand Design of the House of Rockefeller!)

The issue today is not whom he serves (although that question is crucial), but what he has done. That is the subject, and the only subject, of this study. We have no access to secret documents, classified information, or the like. Everything in this book is taken from the public record. In the pages that follow, there is little that is new, but there is much that is shocking.

We hope this indictment makes you angry. We hope it makes you think. And then, we hope it makes you act. For we believe that the future of this land of liberty may well depend on whether—and how soon—our present disastrous course can be changed.